path: root/data/samples/wrapped/en/gullivers_travels.jonathan_swift.sst

% SiSU 2.0

@title: Gulliver's Travels

@creator:
 :author: Swift, Jonathan
 :prepared_by: David Price

@classify:
 :topic_register: SiSU markup sample:book:novel;book:novel:fiction:fantasy

@rights:
 :copyright: Jonathan Swift
 :license: Public Domain

@date:
 :published: 1726
 :created: 1726
 :issued: 1726
 :available: 1726
 :modified: 1735
 :added_to_site: 2005-10-30

@links:
 { Gulliver's Travels }http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gullivers_travels
 { Johnathan Swift }http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jonathan_Swift

@make:
 :headings: none; none; PART; CHAPTER;
 :breaks: new=3; break=4

A~ @title @creator

:B~ Gulliver's Travels into Several Remote Nations of the World

1~ THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER.

[As given in the original edition.]

The author of these Travels, Mr. Lemuel Gulliver, is my ancient and intimate
friend; there is likewise some relation between us on the mother's side. About
three years ago, Mr. Gulliver growing weary of the concourse of curious people
coming to him at his house in Redriff, made a small purchase of land, with a
convenient house, near Newark, in Nottinghamshire, his native country; where he
now lives retired, yet in good esteem among his neighbours.

Although Mr. Gulliver was born in Nottinghamshire, where his father dwelt, yet
I have heard him say his family came from Oxfordshire; to confirm which, I have
observed in the churchyard at Banbury in that county, several tombs and
monuments of the Gullivers.

Before he quitted Redriff, he left the custody of the following papers in my
hands, with the liberty to dispose of them as I should think fit. I have
carefully perused them three times. The style is very plain and simple; and the
only fault I find is, that the author, after the manner of travellers, is a
little too circumstantial. There is an air of truth apparent through the whole;
and indeed the author was so distinguished for his veracity, that it became a
sort of proverb among his neighbours at Redriff, when any one affirmed a thing,
to say, it was as true as if Mr. Gulliver had spoken it.

By the advice of several worthy persons, to whom, with the author's permission,
I communicated these papers, I now venture to send them into the world, hoping
they may be, at least for some time, a better entertainment to our young
noblemen, than the common scribbles of politics and party.

This volume would have been at least twice as large, if I had not made bold to
strike out innumerable passages relating to the winds and tides, as well as to
the variations and bearings in the several voyages, together with the minute
descriptions of the management of the ship in storms, in the style of sailors;
likewise the account of longitudes and latitudes; wherein I have reason to
apprehend, that Mr. Gulliver may be a little dissatisfied. But I was resolved
to fit the work as much as possible to the general capacity of readers.
However, if my own ignorance in sea affairs shall have led me to commit some
mistakes, I alone am answerable for them. And if any traveller hath a curiosity
to see the whole work at large, as it came from the hands of the author, I will
be ready to gratify him.

As for any further particulars relating to the author, the reader will receive
satisfaction from the first pages of the book.

RICHARD SYMPSON.

1~ A LETTER FROM CAPTAIN GULLIVER TO HIS COUSIN SYMPSON.

WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1727.

I hope you will be ready to own publicly, whenever you shall be called to it,
that by your great and frequent urgency you prevailed on me to publish a very
loose and uncorrect account of my travels, with directions to hire some young
gentleman of either university to put them in order, and correct the style, as
my cousin Dampier did, by my advice, in his book called "A Voyage round the
world." But I do not remember I gave you power to consent that any thing should
be omitted, and much less that any thing should be inserted; therefore, as to
the latter, I do here renounce every thing of that kind; particularly a
paragraph about her majesty Queen Anne, of most pious and glorious memory;
although I did reverence and esteem her more than any of human species. But
you, or your interpolator, ought to have considered, that it was not my
inclination, so was it not decent to praise any animal of our composition
before my master Houyhnhnm: And besides, the fact was altogether false; for to
my knowledge, being in England during some part of her majesty's reign, she did
govern by a chief minister; nay even by two successively, the first whereof was
the lord of Godolphin, and the second the lord of Oxford; so that you have made
me say the thing that was not. Likewise in the account of the academy of
projectors, and several passages of my discourse to my master Houyhnhnm, you
have either omitted some material circumstances, or minced or changed them in
such a manner, that I do hardly know my own work. When I formerly hinted to you
something of this in a letter, you were pleased to answer that you were afraid
of giving offence; that people in power were very watchful over the press, and
apt not only to interpret, but to punish every thing which looked like an
innuendo (as I think you call it). But, pray how could that which I spoke so
many years ago, and at about five thousand leagues distance, in another reign,
be applied to any of the Yahoos, who now are said to govern the herd;
especially at a time when I little thought, or feared, the unhappiness of
living under them? Have not I the most reason to complain, when I see these
very Yahoos carried by Houyhnhnms in a vehicle, as if they were brutes, and
those the rational creatures? And indeed to avoid so monstrous and detestable a
sight was one principal motive of my retirement hither.

Thus much I thought proper to tell you in relation to yourself, and to the
trust I reposed in you.

I do, in the next place, complain of my own great want of judgment, in being
prevailed upon by the entreaties and false reasoning of you and some others,
very much against my own opinion, to suffer my travels to be published. Pray
bring to your mind how often I desired you to consider, when you insisted on
the motive of public good, that the Yahoos were a species of animals utterly
incapable of amendment by precept or example: and so it has proved; for,
instead of seeing a full stop put to all abuses and corruptions, at least in
this little island, as I had reason to expect; behold, after above six months
warning, I cannot learn that my book has produced one single effect according
to my intentions. I desired you would let me know, by a letter, when party and
faction were extinguished; judges learned and upright; pleaders honest and
modest, with some tincture of common sense, and Smithfield blazing with
pyramids of law books; the young nobility's education entirely changed; the
physicians banished; the female Yahoos abounding in virtue, honour, truth, and
good sense; courts and levees of great ministers thoroughly weeded and swept;
wit, merit, and learning rewarded; all disgracers of the press in prose and
verse condemned to eat nothing but their own cotton, and quench their thirst
with their own ink. These, and a thousand other reformations, I firmly counted
upon by your encouragement; as indeed they were plainly deducible from the
precepts delivered in my book. And it must be owned, that seven months were a
sufficient time to correct every vice and folly to which Yahoos are subject, if
their natures had been capable of the least disposition to virtue or wisdom.
Yet, so far have you been from answering my expectation in any of your letters;
that on the contrary you are loading our carrier every week with libels, and
keys, and reflections, and memoirs, and second parts; wherein I see myself
accused of reflecting upon great state folk; of degrading human nature (for so
they have still the confidence to style it), and of abusing the female sex. I
find likewise that the writers of those bundles are not agreed among
themselves; for some of them will not allow me to be the author of my own
travels; and others make me author of books to which I am wholly a stranger.

I find likewise that your printer has been so careless as to confound the
times, and mistake the dates, of my several voyages and returns; neither
assigning the true year, nor the true month, nor day of the month: and I hear
the original manuscript is all destroyed since the publication of my book;
neither have I any copy left: however, I have sent you some corrections, which
you may insert, if ever there should be a second edition: and yet I cannot
stand to them; but shall leave that matter to my judicious and candid readers
to adjust it as they please.

I hear some of our sea Yahoos find fault with my sea-language, as not proper in
many parts, nor now in use. I cannot help it. In my first voyages, while I was
young, I was instructed by the oldest mariners, and learned to speak as they
did. But I have since found that the sea Yahoos are apt, like the land ones, to
become new- fangled in their words, which the latter change every year;
insomuch, as I remember upon each return to my own country their old dialect
was so altered, that I could hardly understand the new. And I observe, when any
Yahoo comes from London out of curiosity to visit me at my house, we neither of
us are able to deliver our conceptions in a manner intelligible to the other.

If the censure of the Yahoos could any way affect me, I should have great
reason to complain, that some of them are so bold as to think my book of
travels a mere fiction out of mine own brain, and have gone so far as to drop
hints, that the Houyhnhnms and Yahoos have no more existence than the
inhabitants of Utopia.

Indeed I must confess, that as to the people of Lilliput, Brobdingrag (for so
the word should have been spelt, and not erroneously Brobdingnag), and Laputa,
I have never yet heard of any Yahoo so presumptuous as to dispute their being,
or the facts I have related concerning them; because the truth immediately
strikes every reader with conviction. And is there less probability in my
account of the Houyhnhnms or Yahoos, when it is manifest as to the latter,
there are so many thousands even in this country, who only differ from their
brother brutes in Houyhnhnmland, because they use a sort of jabber, and do not
go naked? I wrote for their amendment, and not their approbation. The united
praise of the whole race would be of less consequence to me, than the neighing
of those two degenerate Houyhnhnms I keep in my stable; because from these,
degenerate as they are, I still improve in some virtues without any mixture of
vice.

Do these miserable animals presume to think, that I am so degenerated as to
defend my veracity? Yahoo as I am, it is well known through all Houyhnhnmland,
that, by the instructions and example of my illustrious master, I was able in
the compass of two years (although I confess with the utmost difficulty) to
remove that infernal habit of lying, shuffling, deceiving, and equivocating, so
deeply rooted in the very souls of all my species; especially the Europeans.

I have other complaints to make upon this vexatious occasion; but I forbear
troubling myself or you any further. I must freely confess, that since my last
return, some corruptions of my Yahoo nature have revived in me by conversing
with a few of your species, and particularly those of my own family, by an
unavoidable necessity; else I should never have attempted so absurd a project
as that of reforming the Yahoo race in this kingdom: But I have now done with
all such visionary schemes for ever.

April 2, 1727

PART I--A VOYAGE TO LILLIPUT.

CHAPTER I.

[The author gives some account of himself and family. His first inducements to
travel. He is shipwrecked, and swims for his life. Gets safe on shore in the
country of Lilliput; is made a prisoner, and carried up the country.]

My father had a small estate in Nottinghamshire: I was the third of five sons.
He sent me to Emanuel College in Cambridge at fourteen years old, where I
resided three years, and applied myself close to my studies; but the charge of
maintaining me, although I had a very scanty allowance, being too great for a
narrow fortune, I was bound apprentice to Mr. James Bates, an eminent surgeon
in London, with whom I continued four years. My father now and then sending me
small sums of money, I laid them out in learning navigation, and other parts of
the mathematics, useful to those who intend to travel, as I always believed it
would be, some time or other, my fortune to do. When I left Mr. Bates, I went
down to my father: where, by the assistance of him and my uncle John, and some
other relations, I got forty pounds, and a promise of thirty pounds a year to
maintain me at Leyden: there I studied physic two years and seven months,
knowing it would be useful in long voyages.

Soon after my return from Leyden, I was recommended by my good master, Mr.
Bates, to be surgeon to the Swallow, Captain Abraham Pannel, commander; with
whom I continued three years and a half, making a voyage or two into the
Levant, and some other parts. When I came back I resolved to settle in London;
to which Mr. Bates, my master, encouraged me, and by him I was recommended to
several patients. I took part of a small house in the Old Jewry; and being
advised to alter my condition, I married Mrs. Mary Burton, second daughter to
Mr. Edmund Burton, hosier, in Newgate-street, with whom I received four hundred
pounds for a portion.

But my good master Bates dying in two years after, and I having few friends, my
business began to fail; for my conscience would not suffer me to imitate the
bad practice of too many among my brethren. Having therefore consulted with my
wife, and some of my acquaintance, I determined to go again to sea. I was
surgeon successively in two ships, and made several voyages, for six years, to
the East and West Indies, by which I got some addition to my fortune. My hours
of leisure I spent in reading the best authors, ancient and modern, being
always provided with a good number of books; and when I was ashore, in
observing the manners and dispositions of the people, as well as learning their
language; wherein I had a great facility, by the strength of my memory.

The last of these voyages not proving very fortunate, I grew weary of the sea,
and intended to stay at home with my wife and family. I removed from the Old
Jewry to Fetter Lane, and from thence to Wapping, hoping to get business among
the sailors; but it would not turn to account. After three years expectation
that things would mend, I accepted an advantageous offer from Captain William
Prichard, master of the Antelope, who was making a voyage to the South Sea. We
set sail from Bristol, May 4, 1699, and our voyage was at first very
prosperous.

It would not be proper, for some reasons, to trouble the reader with the
particulars of our adventures in those seas; let it suffice to inform him, that
in our passage from thence to the East Indies, we were driven by a violent
storm to the north-west of Van Diemen's Land. By an observation, we found
ourselves in the latitude of 30 degrees 2 minutes south. Twelve of our crew
were dead by immoderate labour and ill food; the rest were in a very weak
condition. On the 5th of November, which was the beginning of summer in those
parts, the weather being very hazy, the seamen spied a rock within half a
cable's length of the ship; but the wind was so strong, that we were driven
directly upon it, and immediately split. Six of the crew, of whom I was one,
having let down the boat into the sea, made a shift to get clear of the ship
and the rock. We rowed, by my computation, about three leagues, till we were
able to work no longer, being already spent with labour while we were in the
ship. We therefore trusted ourselves to the mercy of the waves, and in about
half an hour the boat was overset by a sudden flurry from the north. What
became of my companions in the boat, as well as of those who escaped on the
rock, or were left in the vessel, I cannot tell; but conclude they were all
lost. For my own part, I swam as fortune directed me, and was pushed forward by
wind and tide. I often let my legs drop, and could feel no bottom; but when I
was almost gone, and able to struggle no longer, I found myself within my
depth; and by this time the storm was much abated. The declivity was so small,
that I walked near a mile before I got to the shore, which I conjectured was
about eight o'clock in the evening. I then advanced forward near half a mile,
but could not discover any sign of houses or inhabitants; at least I was in so
weak a condition, that I did not observe them. I was extremely tired, and with
that, and the heat of the weather, and about half a pint of brandy that I drank
as I left the ship, I found myself much inclined to sleep. I lay down on the
grass, which was very short and soft, where I slept sounder than ever I
remembered to have done in my life, and, as I reckoned, about nine hours; for
when I awaked, it was just day-light. I attempted to rise, but was not able to
stir: for, as I happened to lie on my back, I found my arms and legs were
strongly fastened on each side to the ground; and my hair, which was long and
thick, tied down in the same manner. I likewise felt several slender ligatures
across my body, from my arm-pits to my thighs. I could only look upwards; the
sun began to grow hot, and the light offended my eyes. I heard a confused noise
about me; but in the posture I lay, could see nothing except the sky. In a
little time I felt something alive moving on my left leg, which advancing
gently forward over my breast, came almost up to my chin; when, bending my eyes
downwards as much as I could, I perceived it to be a human creature not six
inches high, with a bow and arrow in his hands, and a quiver at his back. In
the mean time, I felt at least forty more of the same kind (as I conjectured)
following the first. I was in the utmost astonishment, and roared so loud, that
they all ran back in a fright; and some of them, as I was afterwards told, were
hurt with the falls they got by leaping from my sides upon the ground. However,
they soon returned, and one of them, who ventured so far as to get a full sight
of my face, lifting up his hands and eyes by way of admiration, cried out in a
shrill but distinct voice, Hekinah degul: the others repeated the same words
several times, but then I knew not what they meant. I lay all this while, as
the reader may believe, in great uneasiness. At length, struggling to get
loose, I had the fortune to break the strings, and wrench out the pegs that
fastened my left arm to the ground; for, by lifting it up to my face, I
discovered the methods they had taken to bind me, and at the same time with a
violent pull, which gave me excessive pain, I a little loosened the strings
that tied down my hair on the left side, so that I was just able to turn my
head about two inches. But the creatures ran off a second time, before I could
seize them; whereupon there was a great shout in a very shrill accent, and
after it ceased I heard one of them cry aloud Tolgo phonac; when in an instant
I felt above a hundred arrows discharged on my left hand, which, pricked me
like so many needles; and besides, they shot another flight into the air, as we
do bombs in Europe, whereof many, I suppose, fell on my body, (though I felt
them not), and some on my face, which I immediately covered with my left hand.
When this shower of arrows was over, I fell a groaning with grief and pain; and
then striving again to get loose, they discharged another volley larger than
the first, and some of them attempted with spears to stick me in the sides; but
by good luck I had on a buff jerkin, which they could not pierce. I thought it
the most prudent method to lie still, and my design was to continue so till
night, when, my left hand being already loose, I could easily free myself: and
as for the inhabitants, I had reason to believe I might be a match for the
greatest army they could bring against me, if they were all of the same size
with him that I saw. But fortune disposed otherwise of me. When the people
observed I was quiet, they discharged no more arrows; but, by the noise I
heard, I knew their numbers increased; and about four yards from me, over
against my right ear, I heard a knocking for above an hour, like that of people
at work; when turning my head that way, as well as the pegs and strings would
permit me, I saw a stage erected about a foot and a half from the ground,
capable of holding four of the inhabitants, with two or three ladders to mount
it: from whence one of them, who seemed to be a person of quality, made me a
long speech, whereof I understood not one syllable. But I should have
mentioned, that before the principal person began his oration, he cried out
three times, Langro dehul san (these words and the former were afterwards
repeated and explained to me); whereupon, immediately, about fifty of the
inhabitants came and cut the strings that fastened the left side of my head,
which gave me the liberty of turning it to the right, and of observing the
person and gesture of him that was to speak. He appeared to be of a middle age,
and taller than any of the other three who attended him, whereof one was a page
that held up his train, and seemed to be somewhat longer than my middle finger;
the other two stood one on each side to support him. He acted every part of an
orator, and I could observe many periods of threatenings, and others of
promises, pity, and kindness. I answered in a few words, but in the most
submissive manner, lifting up my left hand, and both my eyes to the sun, as
calling him for a witness; and being almost famished with hunger, having not
eaten a morsel for some hours before I left the ship, I found the demands of
nature so strong upon me, that I could not forbear showing my impatience
(perhaps against the strict rules of decency) by putting my finger frequently
to my mouth, to signify that I wanted food. The hurgo (for so they call a great
lord, as I afterwards learnt) understood me very well. He descended from the
stage, and commanded that several ladders should be applied to my sides, on
which above a hundred of the inhabitants mounted and walked towards my mouth,
laden with baskets full of meat, which had been provided and sent thither by
the king's orders, upon the first intelligence he received of me. I observed
there was the flesh of several animals, but could not distinguish them by the
taste. There were shoulders, legs, and loins, shaped like those of mutton, and
very well dressed, but smaller than the wings of a lark. I ate them by two or
three at a mouthful, and took three loaves at a time, about the bigness of
musket bullets. They supplied me as fast as they could, showing a thousand
marks of wonder and astonishment at my bulk and appetite. I then made another
sign, that I wanted drink. They found by my eating that a small quantity would
not suffice me; and being a most ingenious people, they slung up, with great
dexterity, one of their largest hogsheads, then rolled it towards my hand, and
beat out the top; I drank it off at a draught, which I might well do, for it
did not hold half a pint, and tasted like a small wine of Burgundy, but much
more delicious. They brought me a second hogshead, which I drank in the same
manner, and made signs for more; but they had none to give me. When I had
performed these wonders, they shouted for joy, and danced upon my breast,
repeating several times as they did at first, Hekinah degul. They made me a
sign that I should throw down the two hogsheads, but first warning the people
below to stand out of the way, crying aloud, Borach mevolah; and when they saw
the vessels in the air, there was a universal shout of Hekinah degul. I confess
I was often tempted, while they were passing backwards and forwards on my body,
to seize forty or fifty of the first that came in my reach, and dash them
against the ground. But the remembrance of what I had felt, which probably
might not be the worst they could do, and the promise of honour I made
them--for so I interpreted my submissive behaviour-- soon drove out these
imaginations. Besides, I now considered myself as bound by the laws of
hospitality, to a people who had treated me with so much expense and
magnificence. However, in my thoughts I could not sufficiently wonder at the
intrepidity of these diminutive mortals, who durst venture to mount and walk
upon my body, while one of my hands was at liberty, without trembling at the
very sight of so prodigious a creature as I must appear to them. After some
time, when they observed that I made no more demands for meat, there appeared
before me a person of high rank from his imperial majesty. His excellency,
having mounted on the small of my right leg, advanced forwards up to my face,
with about a dozen of his retinue; and producing his credentials under the
signet royal, which he applied close to my eyes, spoke about ten minutes
without any signs of anger, but with a kind of determinate resolution, often
pointing forwards, which, as I afterwards found, was towards the capital city,
about half a mile distant; whither it was agreed by his majesty in council that
I must be conveyed. I answered in few words, but to no purpose, and made a sign
with my hand that was loose, putting it to the other (but over his excellency's
head for fear of hurting him or his train) and then to my own head and body, to
signify that I desired my liberty. It appeared that he understood me well
enough, for he shook his head by way of disapprobation, and held his hand in a
posture to show that I must be carried as a prisoner. However, he made other
signs to let me understand that I should have meat and drink enough, and very
good treatment. Whereupon I once more thought of attempting to break my bonds;
but again, when I felt the smart of their arrows upon my face and hands, which
were all in blisters, and many of the darts still sticking in them, and
observing likewise that the number of my enemies increased, I gave tokens to
let them know that they might do with me what they pleased. Upon this, the
hurgo and his train withdrew, with much civility and cheerful countenances.
Soon after I heard a general shout, with frequent repetitions of the words
Peplom selan; and I felt great numbers of people on my left side relaxing the
cords to such a degree, that I was able to turn upon my right, and to ease
myself with making water; which I very plentifully did, to the great
astonishment of the people; who, conjecturing by my motion what I was going to
do, immediately opened to the right and left on that side, to avoid the
torrent, which fell with such noise and violence from me. But before this, they
had daubed my face and both my hands with a sort of ointment, very pleasant to
the smell, which, in a few minutes, removed all the smart of their arrows.
These circumstances, added to the refreshment I had received by their victuals
and drink, which were very nourishing, disposed me to sleep. I slept about
eight hours, as I was afterwards assured; and it was no wonder, for the
physicians, by the emperor's order, had mingled a sleepy potion in the
hogsheads of wine.

It seems, that upon the first moment I was discovered sleeping on the ground,
after my landing, the emperor had early notice of it by an express; and
determined in council, that I should be tied in the manner I have related,
(which was done in the night while I slept;) that plenty of meat and drink
should be sent to me, and a machine prepared to carry me to the capital city.

This resolution perhaps may appear very bold and dangerous, and I am confident
would not be imitated by any prince in Europe on the like occasion. However, in
my opinion, it was extremely prudent, as well as generous: for, supposing these
people had endeavoured to kill me with their spears and arrows, while I was
asleep, I should certainly have awaked with the first sense of smart, which
might so far have roused my rage and strength, as to have enabled me to break
the strings wherewith I was tied; after which, as they were not able to make
resistance, so they could expect no mercy.

These people are most excellent mathematicians, and arrived to a great
perfection in mechanics, by the countenance and encouragement of the emperor,
who is a renowned patron of learning. This prince has several machines fixed on
wheels, for the carriage of trees and other great weights. He often builds his
largest men of war, whereof some are nine feet long, in the woods where the
timber grows, and has them carried on these engines three or four hundred yards
to the sea. Five hundred carpenters and engineers were immediately set at work
to prepare the greatest engine they had. It was a frame of wood raised three
inches from the ground, about seven feet long, and four wide, moving upon
twenty-two wheels. The shout I heard was upon the arrival of this engine,
which, it seems, set out in four hours after my landing. It was brought
parallel to me, as I lay. But the principal difficulty was to raise and place
me in this vehicle. Eighty poles, each of one foot high, were erected for this
purpose, and very strong cords, of the bigness of packthread, were fastened by
hooks to many bandages, which the workmen had girt round my neck, my hands, my
body, and my legs. Nine hundred of the strongest men were employed to draw up
these cords, by many pulleys fastened on the poles; and thus, in less than
three hours, I was raised and slung into the engine, and there tied fast. All
this I was told; for, while the operation was performing, I lay in a profound
sleep, by the force of that soporiferous medicine infused into my liquor.
Fifteen hundred of the emperor's largest horses, each about four inches and a
half high, were employed to draw me towards the metropolis, which, as I said,
was half a mile distant.

About four hours after we began our journey, I awaked by a very ridiculous
accident; for the carriage being stopped a while, to adjust something that was
out of order, two or three of the young natives had the curiosity to see how I
looked when I was asleep; they climbed up into the engine, and advancing very
softly to my face, one of them, an officer in the guards, put the sharp end of
his half-pike a good way up into my left nostril, which tickled my nose like a
straw, and made me sneeze violently; whereupon they stole off unperceived, and
it was three weeks before I knew the cause of my waking so suddenly. We made a
long march the remaining part of the day, and, rested at night with five
hundred guards on each side of me, half with torches, and half with bows and
arrows, ready to shoot me if I should offer to stir. The next morning at
sun-rise we continued our march, and arrived within two hundred yards of the
city gates about noon. The emperor, and all his court, came out to meet us; but
his great officers would by no means suffer his majesty to endanger his person
by mounting on my body.

At the place where the carriage stopped there stood an ancient temple, esteemed
to be the largest in the whole kingdom; which, having been polluted some years
before by an unnatural murder, was, according to the zeal of those people,
looked upon as profane, and therefore had been applied to common use, and all
the ornaments and furniture carried away. In this edifice it was determined I
should lodge. The great gate fronting to the north was about four feet high,
and almost two feet wide, through which I could easily creep. On each side of
the gate was a small window, not above six inches from the ground: into that on
the left side, the king's smith conveyed fourscore and eleven chains, like
those that hang to a lady's watch in Europe, and almost as large, which were
locked to my left leg with six-and-thirty padlocks. Over against this temple,
on the other side of the great highway, at twenty feet distance, there was a
turret at least five feet high. Here the emperor ascended, with many principal
lords of his court, to have an opportunity of viewing me, as I was told, for I
could not see them. It was reckoned that above a hundred thousand inhabitants
came out of the town upon the same errand; and, in spite of my guards, I
believe there could not be fewer than ten thousand at several times, who
mounted my body by the help of ladders. But a proclamation was soon issued, to
forbid it upon pain of death. When the workmen found it was impossible for me
to break loose, they cut all the strings that bound me; whereupon I rose up,
with as melancholy a disposition as ever I had in my life. But the noise and
astonishment of the people, at seeing me rise and walk, are not to be
expressed. The chains that held my left leg were about two yards long, and gave
me not only the liberty of walking backwards and forwards in a semicircle, but,
being fixed within four inches of the gate, allowed me to creep in, and lie at
my full length in the temple.

CHAPTER II.

[The emperor of Lilliput, attended by several of the nobility, comes to see the
author in his confinement. The emperor's person and habit described. Learned
men appointed to teach the author their language. He gains favour by his mild
disposition. His pockets are searched, and his sword and pistols taken from
him.]

When I found myself on my feet, I looked about me, and must confess I never
beheld a more entertaining prospect. The country around appeared like a
continued garden, and the enclosed fields, which were generally forty feet
square, resembled so many beds of flowers. These fields were intermingled with
woods of half a stang,~^ and the tallest trees, as I could judge, appeared to
be seven feet high. I viewed the town on my left hand, which looked like the
painted scene of a city in a theatre.

I had been for some hours extremely pressed by the necessities of nature; which
was no wonder, it being almost two days since I had last disburdened myself. I
was under great difficulties between urgency and shame. The best expedient I
could think of, was to creep into my house, which I accordingly did; and
shutting the gate after me, I went as far as the length of my chain would
suffer, and discharged my body of that uneasy load. But this was the only time
I was ever guilty of so uncleanly an action; for which I cannot but hope the
candid reader will give some allowance, after he has maturely and impartially
considered my case, and the distress I was in. From this time my constant
practice was, as soon as I rose, to perform that business in open air, at the
full extent of my chain; and due care was taken every morning before company
came, that the offensive matter should be carried off in wheel-barrows, by two
servants appointed for that purpose. I would not have dwelt so long upon a
circumstance that, perhaps, at first sight, may appear not very momentous, if I
had not thought it necessary to justify my character, in point of cleanliness,
to the world; which, I am told, some of my maligners have been pleased, upon
this and other occasions, to call in question.

When this adventure was at an end, I came back out of my house, having occasion
for fresh air. The emperor was already descended from the tower, and advancing
on horseback towards me, which had like to have cost him dear; for the beast,
though very well trained, yet wholly unused to such a sight, which appeared as
if a mountain moved before him, reared up on its hinder feet: but that prince,
who is an excellent horseman, kept his seat, till his attendants ran in, and
held the bridle, while his majesty had time to dismount. When he alighted, he
surveyed me round with great admiration; but kept beyond the length of my
chain. He ordered his cooks and butlers, who were already prepared, to give me
victuals and drink, which they pushed forward in a sort of vehicles upon
wheels, till I could reach them. I took these vehicles and soon emptied them
all; twenty of them were filled with meat, and ten with liquor; each of the
former afforded me two or three good mouthfuls; and I emptied the liquor of ten
vessels, which was contained in earthen vials, into one vehicle, drinking it
off at a draught; and so I did with the rest. The empress, and young princes of
the blood of both sexes, attended by many ladies, sat at some distance in their
chairs; but upon the accident that happened to the emperor's horse, they
alighted, and came near his person, which I am now going to describe. He is
taller by almost the breadth of my nail, than any of his court; which alone is
enough to strike an awe into the beholders. His features are strong and
masculine, with an Austrian lip and arched nose, his complexion olive, his
countenance erect, his body and limbs well proportioned, all his motions
graceful, and his deportment majestic. He was then past his prime, being
twenty-eight years and three quarters old, of which he had reigned about seven
in great felicity, and generally victorious. For the better convenience of
beholding him, I lay on my side, so that my face was parallel to his, and he
stood but three yards off: however, I have had him since many times in my hand,
and therefore cannot be deceived in the description. His dress was very plain
and simple, and the fashion of it between the Asiatic and the European; but he
had on his head a light helmet of gold, adorned with jewels, and a plume on the
crest. He held his sword drawn in his hand to defend himself, if I should
happen to break loose; it was almost three inches long; the hilt and scabbard
were gold enriched with diamonds. His voice was shrill, but very clear and
articulate; and I could distinctly hear it when I stood up. The ladies and
courtiers were all most magnificently clad; so that the spot they stood upon
seemed to resemble a petticoat spread upon the ground, embroidered with figures
of gold and silver. His imperial majesty spoke often to me, and I returned
answers: but neither of us could understand a syllable. There were several of
his priests and lawyers present (as I conjectured by their habits), who were
commanded to address themselves to me; and I spoke to them in as many languages
as I had the least smattering of, which were High and Low Dutch, Latin, French,
Spanish, Italian, and Lingua Franca, but all to no purpose. After about two
hours the court retired, and I was left with a strong guard, to prevent the
impertinence, and probably the malice of the rabble, who were very impatient to
crowd about me as near as they durst; and some of them had the impudence to
shoot their arrows at me, as I sat on the ground by the door of my house,
whereof one very narrowly missed my left eye. But the colonel ordered six of
the ringleaders to be seized, and thought no punishment so proper as to deliver
them bound into my hands; which some of his soldiers accordingly did, pushing
them forward with the butt-ends of their pikes into my reach. I took them all
in my right hand, put five of them into my coat-pocket; and as to the sixth, I
made a countenance as if I would eat him alive. The poor man squalled terribly,
and the colonel and his officers were in much pain, especially when they saw me
take out my penknife: but I soon put them out of fear; for, looking mildly, and
immediately cutting the strings he was bound with, I set him gently on the
ground, and away he ran. I treated the rest in the same manner, taking them one
by one out of my pocket; and I observed both the soldiers and people were
highly delighted at this mark of my clemency, which was represented very much
to my advantage at court.

Towards night I got with some difficulty into my house, where I lay on the
ground, and continued to do so about a fortnight; during which time, the
emperor gave orders to have a bed prepared for me. Six hundred beds of the
common measure were brought in carriages, and worked up in my house; a hundred
and fifty of their beds, sewn together, made up the breadth and length; and
these were four double: which, however, kept me but very indifferently from the
hardness of the floor, that was of smooth stone. By the same computation, they
provided me with sheets, blankets, and coverlets, tolerable enough for one who
had been so long inured to hardships.

As the news of my arrival spread through the kingdom, it brought prodigious
numbers of rich, idle, and curious people to see me; so that the villages were
almost emptied; and great neglect of tillage and household affairs must have
ensued, if his imperial majesty had not provided, by several proclamations and
orders of state, against this inconveniency. He directed that those who had
already beheld me should return home, and not presume to come within fifty
yards of my house, without license from the court; whereby the secretaries of
state got considerable fees.

In the mean time the emperor held frequent councils, to debate what course
should be taken with me; and I was afterwards assured by a particular friend, a
person of great quality, who was as much in the secret as any, that the court
was under many difficulties concerning me. They apprehended my breaking loose;
that my diet would be very expensive, and might cause a famine. Sometimes they
determined to starve me; or at least to shoot me in the face and hands with
poisoned arrows, which would soon despatch me; but again they considered, that
the stench of so large a carcass might produce a plague in the metropolis, and
probably spread through the whole kingdom. In the midst of these consultations,
several officers of the army went to the door of the great council-chamber, and
two of them being admitted, gave an account of my behaviour to the six
criminals above-mentioned; which made so favourable an impression in the breast
of his majesty and the whole board, in my behalf, that an imperial commission
was issued out, obliging all the villages, nine hundred yards round the city,
to deliver in every morning six beeves, forty sheep, and other victuals for my
sustenance; together with a proportionable quantity of bread, and wine, and
other liquors; for the due payment of which, his majesty gave assignments upon
his treasury:- for this prince lives chiefly upon his own demesnes; seldom,
except upon great occasions, raising any subsidies upon his subjects, who are
bound to attend him in his wars at their own expense. An establishment was also
made of six hundred persons to be my domestics, who had board-wages allowed for
their maintenance, and tents built for them very conveniently on each side of
my door. It was likewise ordered, that three hundred tailors should make me a
suit of clothes, after the fashion of the country; that six of his majesty's
greatest scholars should be employed to instruct me in their language; and
lastly, that the emperor's horses, and those of the nobility and troops of
guards, should be frequently exercised in my sight, to accustom themselves to
me. All these orders were duly put in execution; and in about three weeks I
made a great progress in learning their language; during which time the emperor
frequently honoured me with his visits, and was pleased to assist my masters in
teaching me. We began already to converse together in some sort; and the first
words I learnt, were to express my desire "that he would please give me my
liberty;" which I every day repeated on my knees. His answer, as I could
comprehend it, was, "that this must be a work of time, not to be thought on
without the advice of his council, and that first I must lumos kelmin pesso
desmar lon emposo;" that is, swear a peace with him and his kingdom. However,
that I should be used with all kindness. And he advised me to "acquire, by my
patience and discreet behaviour, the good opinion of himself and his subjects."
He desired "I would not take it ill, if he gave orders to certain proper
officers to search me; for probably I might carry about me several weapons,
which must needs be dangerous things, if they answered the bulk of so
prodigious a person." I said, "His majesty should be satisfied; for I was ready
to strip myself, and turn up my pockets before him." This I delivered part in
words, and part in signs. He replied, "that, by the laws of the kingdom, I must
be searched by two of his officers; that he knew this could not be done without
my consent and assistance; and he had so good an opinion of my generosity and
justice, as to trust their persons in my hands; that whatever they took from
me, should be returned when I left the country, or paid for at the rate which I
would set upon them." I took up the two officers in my hands, put them first
into my coat-pockets, and then into every other pocket about me, except my two
fobs, and another secret pocket, which I had no mind should be searched,
wherein I had some little necessaries that were of no consequence to any but
myself. In one of my fobs there was a silver watch, and in the other a small
quantity of gold in a purse. These gentlemen, having pen, ink, and paper, about
them, made an exact inventory of every thing they saw; and when they had done,
desired I would set them down, that they might deliver it to the emperor. This
inventory I afterwards translated into English, and is, word for word, as
follows:

"Imprimis: In the right coat-pocket of the great man-mountain" (for so I
interpret the words quinbus flestrin,) "after the strictest search, we found
only one great piece of coarse-cloth, large enough to be a foot-cloth for your
majesty's chief room of state. In the left pocket we saw a huge silver chest,
with a cover of the same metal, which we, the searchers, were not able to lift.
We desired it should be opened, and one of us stepping into it, found himself
up to the mid leg in a sort of dust, some part whereof flying up to our faces
set us both a sneezing for several times together. In his right
waistcoat-pocket we found a prodigious bundle of white thin substances, folded
one over another, about the bigness of three men, tied with a strong cable, and
marked with black figures; which we humbly conceive to be writings, every
letter almost half as large as the palm of our hands. In the left there was a
sort of engine, from the back of which were extended twenty long poles,
resembling the pallisados before your majesty's court: wherewith we conjecture
the man- mountain combs his head; for we did not always trouble him with
questions, because we found it a great difficulty to make him understand us. In
the large pocket, on the right side of his middle cover" (so I translate the
word ranfulo, by which they meant my breeches,) "we saw a hollow pillar of
iron, about the length of a man, fastened to a strong piece of timber larger
than the pillar; and upon one side of the pillar, were huge pieces of iron
sticking out, cut into strange figures, which we know not what to make of. In
the left pocket, another engine of the same kind. In the smaller pocket on the
right side, were several round flat pieces of white and red metal, of different
bulk; some of the white, which seemed to be silver, were so large and heavy,
that my comrade and I could hardly lift them. In the left pocket were two black
pillars irregularly shaped: we could not, without difficulty, reach the top of
them, as we stood at the bottom of his pocket. One of them was covered, and
seemed all of a piece: but at the upper end of the other there appeared a white
round substance, about twice the bigness of our heads. Within each of these was
enclosed a prodigious plate of steel; which, by our orders, we obliged him to
show us, because we apprehended they might be dangerous engines. He took them
out of their cases, and told us, that in his own country his practice was to
shave his beard with one of these, and cut his meat with the other. There were
two pockets which we could not enter: these he called his fobs; they were two
large slits cut into the top of his middle cover, but squeezed close by the
pressure of his belly. Out of the right fob hung a great silver chain, with a
wonderful kind of engine at the bottom. We directed him to draw out whatever
was at the end of that chain; which appeared to be a globe, half silver, and
half of some transparent metal; for, on the transparent side, we saw certain
strange figures circularly drawn, and thought we could touch them, till we
found our fingers stopped by the lucid substance. He put this engine into our
ears, which made an incessant noise, like that of a water- mill: and we
conjecture it is either some unknown animal, or the god that he worships; but
we are more inclined to the latter opinion, because he assured us, (if we
understood him right, for he expressed himself very imperfectly) that he seldom
did any thing without consulting it. He called it his oracle, and said, it
pointed out the time for every action of his life. From the left fob he took
out a net almost large enough for a fisherman, but contrived to open and shut
like a purse, and served him for the same use: we found therein several massy
pieces of yellow metal, which, if they be real gold, must be of immense value.

"Having thus, in obedience to your majesty's commands, diligently searched all
his pockets, we observed a girdle about his waist made of the hide of some
prodigious animal, from which, on the left side, hung a sword of the length of
five men; and on the right, a bag or pouch divided into two cells, each cell
capable of holding three of your majesty's subjects. In one of these cells were
several globes, or balls, of a most ponderous metal, about the bigness of our
heads, and requiring a strong hand to lift them: the other cell contained a
heap of certain black grains, but of no great bulk or weight, for we could hold
above fifty of them in the palms of our hands.

"This is an exact inventory of what we found about the body of the
man-mountain, who used us with great civility, and due respect to your
majesty's commission. Signed and sealed on the fourth day of the eighty-ninth
moon of your majesty's auspicious reign.

CLEFRIN FRELOCK, MARSI FRELOCK."

When this inventory was read over to the emperor, he directed me, although in
very gentle terms, to deliver up the several particulars. He first called for
my scimitar, which I took out, scabbard and all. In the mean time he ordered
three thousand of his choicest troops (who then attended him) to surround me at
a distance, with their bows and arrows just ready to discharge; but I did not
observe it, for mine eyes were wholly fixed upon his majesty. He then desired
me to draw my scimitar, which, although it had got some rust by the sea water,
was, in most parts, exceeding bright. I did so, and immediately all the troops
gave a shout between terror and surprise; for the sun shone clear, and the
reflection dazzled their eyes, as I waved the scimitar to and fro in my hand.
His majesty, who is a most magnanimous prince, was less daunted than I could
expect: he ordered me to return it into the scabbard, and cast it on the ground
as gently as I could, about six feet from the end of my chain. The next thing
he demanded was one of the hollow iron pillars; by which he meant my pocket
pistols. I drew it out, and at his desire, as well as I could, expressed to him
the use of it; and charging it only with powder, which, by the closeness of my
pouch, happened to escape wetting in the sea (an inconvenience against which
all prudent mariners take special care to provide,) I first cautioned the
emperor not to be afraid, and then I let it off in the air. The astonishment
here was much greater than at the sight of my scimitar. Hundreds fell down as
if they had been struck dead; and even the emperor, although he stood his
ground, could not recover himself for some time. I delivered up both my pistols
in the same manner as I had done my scimitar, and then my pouch of powder and
bullets; begging him that the former might be kept from fire, for it would
kindle with the smallest spark, and blow up his imperial palace into the air. I
likewise delivered up my watch, which the emperor was very curious to see, and
commanded two of his tallest yeomen of the guards to bear it on a pole upon
their shoulders, as draymen in England do a barrel of ale. He was amazed at the
continual noise it made, and the motion of the minute-hand, which he could
easily discern; for their sight is much more acute than ours: he asked the
opinions of his learned men about it, which were various and remote, as the
reader may well imagine without my repeating; although indeed I could not very
perfectly understand them. I then gave up my silver and copper money, my purse,
with nine large pieces of gold, and some smaller ones; my knife and razor, my
comb and silver snuff-box, my handkerchief and journal-book. My scimitar,
pistols, and pouch, were conveyed in carriages to his majesty's stores; but the
rest of my goods were returned me.

I had as I before observed, one private pocket, which escaped their search,
wherein there was a pair of spectacles (which I sometimes use for the weakness
of mine eyes,) a pocket perspective, and some other little conveniences; which,
being of no consequence to the emperor, I did not think myself bound in honour
to discover, and I apprehended they might be lost or spoiled if I ventured them
out of my possession.

CHAPTER III.

[The author diverts the emperor, and his nobility of both sexes, in a very
uncommon manner. The diversions of the court of Lilliput described. The author
has his liberty granted him upon certain conditions.]

My gentleness and good behaviour had gained so far on the emperor and his
court, and indeed upon the army and people in general, that I began to conceive
hopes of getting my liberty in a short time. I took all possible methods to
cultivate this favourable disposition. The natives came, by degrees, to be less
apprehensive of any danger from me. I would sometimes lie down, and let five or
six of them dance on my hand; and at last the boys and girls would venture to
come and play at hide-and-seek in my hair. I had now made a good progress in
understanding and speaking the language. The emperor had a mind one day to
entertain me with several of the country shows, wherein they exceed all nations
I have known, both for dexterity and magnificence. I was diverted with none so
much as that of the rope-dancers, performed upon a slender white thread,
extended about two feet, and twelve inches from the ground. Upon which I shall
desire liberty, with the reader's patience, to enlarge a little.

This diversion is only practised by those persons who are candidates for great
employments, and high favour at court. They are trained in this art from their
youth, and are not always of noble birth, or liberal education. When a great
office is vacant, either by death or disgrace (which often happens,) five or
six of those candidates petition the emperor to entertain his majesty and the
court with a dance on the rope; and whoever jumps the highest, without falling,
succeeds in the office. Very often the chief ministers themselves are commanded
to show their skill, and to convince the emperor that they have not lost their
faculty. Flimnap, the treasurer, is allowed to cut a caper on the straight
rope, at least an inch higher than any other lord in the whole empire. I have
seen him do the summerset several times together, upon a trencher fixed on a
rope which is no thicker than a common packthread in England. My friend
Reldresal, principal secretary for private affairs, is, in my opinion, if I am
not partial, the second after the treasurer; the rest of the great officers are
much upon a par.

These diversions are often attended with fatal accidents, whereof great numbers
are on record. I myself have seen two or three candidates break a limb. But the
danger is much greater, when the ministers themselves are commanded to show
their dexterity; for, by contending to excel themselves and their fellows, they
strain so far that there is hardly one of them who has not received a fall, and
some of them two or three. I was assured that, a year or two before my arrival,
Flimnap would infallibly have broke his neck, if one of the king's cushions,
that accidentally lay on the ground, had not weakened the force of his fall.

There is likewise another diversion, which is only shown before the emperor and
empress, and first minister, upon particular occasions. The emperor lays on the
table three fine silken threads of six inches long; one is blue, the other red,
and the third green. These threads are proposed as prizes for those persons
whom the emperor has a mind to distinguish by a peculiar mark of his favour.
The ceremony is performed in his majesty's great chamber of state, where the
candidates are to undergo a trial of dexterity very different from the former,
and such as I have not observed the least resemblance of in any other country
of the new or old world. The emperor holds a stick in his hands, both ends
parallel to the horizon, while the candidates advancing, one by one, sometimes
leap over the stick, sometimes creep under it, backward and forward, several
times, according as the stick is advanced or depressed. Sometimes the emperor
holds one end of the stick, and his first minister the other; sometimes the
minister has it entirely to himself. Whoever performs his part with most
agility, and holds out the longest in leaping and creeping, is rewarded with
the blue- coloured silk; the red is given to the next, and the green to the
third, which they all wear girt twice round about the middle; and you see few
great persons about this court who are not adorned with one of these girdles.

The horses of the army, and those of the royal stables, having been daily led
before me, were no longer shy, but would come up to my very feet without
starting. The riders would leap them over my hand, as I held it on the ground;
and one of the emperor's huntsmen, upon a large courser, took my foot, shoe and
all; which was indeed a prodigious leap. I had the good fortune to divert the
emperor one day after a very extraordinary manner. I desired he would order
several sticks of two feet high, and the thickness of an ordinary cane, to be
brought me; whereupon his majesty commanded the master of his woods to give
directions accordingly; and the next morning six woodmen arrived with as many
carriages, drawn by eight horses to each. I took nine of these sticks, and
fixing them firmly in the ground in a quadrangular figure, two feet and a half
square, I took four other sticks, and tied them parallel at each corner, about
two feet from the ground; then I fastened my handkerchief to the nine sticks
that stood erect; and extended it on all sides, till it was tight as the top of
a drum; and the four parallel sticks, rising about five inches higher than the
handkerchief, served as ledges on each side. When I had finished my work, I
desired the emperor to let a troop of his best horses twenty-four in number,
come and exercise upon this plain. His majesty approved of the proposal, and I
took them up, one by one, in my hands, ready mounted and armed, with the proper
officers to exercise them. As soon as they got into order they divided into two
parties, performed mock skirmishes, discharged blunt arrows, drew their swords,
fled and pursued, attacked and retired, and in short discovered the best
military discipline I ever beheld. The parallel sticks secured them and their
horses from falling over the stage; and the emperor was so much delighted, that
he ordered this entertainment to be repeated several days, and once was pleased
to be lifted up and give the word of command; and with great difficulty
persuaded even the empress herself to let me hold her in her close chair within
two yards of the stage, when she was able to take a full view of the whole
performance. It was my good fortune, that no ill accident happened in these
entertainments; only once a fiery horse, that belonged to one of the captains,
pawing with his hoof, struck a hole in my handkerchief, and his foot slipping,
he overthrew his rider and himself; but I immediately relieved them both, and
covering the hole with one hand, I set down the troop with the other, in the
same manner as I took them up. The horse that fell was strained in the left
shoulder, but the rider got no hurt; and I repaired my handkerchief as well as
I could: however, I would not trust to the strength of it any more, in such
dangerous enterprises.

About two or three days before I was set at liberty, as I was entertaining the
court with this kind of feat, there arrived an express to inform his majesty,
that some of his subjects, riding near the place where I was first taken up,
had seen a great black substance lying on the around, very oddly shaped,
extending its edges round, as wide as his majesty's bedchamber, and rising up
in the middle as high as a man; that it was no living creature, as they at
first apprehended, for it lay on the grass without motion; and some of them had
walked round it several times; that, by mounting upon each other's shoulders,
they had got to the top, which was flat and even, and, stamping upon it, they
found that it was hollow within; that they humbly conceived it might be
something belonging to the man-mountain; and if his majesty pleased, they would
undertake to bring it with only five horses. I presently knew what they meant,
and was glad at heart to receive this intelligence. It seems, upon my first
reaching the shore after our shipwreck, I was in such confusion, that before I
came to the place where I went to sleep, my hat, which I had fastened with a
string to my head while I was rowing, and had stuck on all the time I was
swimming, fell off after I came to land; the string, as I conjecture, breaking
by some accident, which I never observed, but thought my hat had been lost at
sea. I entreated his imperial majesty to give orders it might be brought to me
as soon as possible, describing to him the use and the nature of it: and the
next day the waggoners arrived with it, but not in a very good condition; they
had bored two holes in the brim, within an inch and half of the edge, and
fastened two hooks in the holes; these hooks were tied by a long cord to the
harness, and thus my hat was dragged along for above half an English mile; but,
the ground in that country being extremely smooth and level, it received less
damage than I expected.

Two days after this adventure, the emperor, having ordered that part of his
army which quarters in and about his metropolis, to be in readiness, took a
fancy of diverting himself in a very singular manner. He desired I would stand
like a Colossus, with my legs as far asunder as I conveniently could. He then
commanded his general (who was an old experienced leader, and a great patron of
mine) to draw up the troops in close order, and march them under me; the foot
by twenty-four abreast, and the horse by sixteen, with drums beating, colours
flying, and pikes advanced. This body consisted of three thousand foot, and a
thousand horse. His majesty gave orders, upon pain of death, that every soldier
in his march should observe the strictest decency with regard to my person;
which however could not prevent some of the younger officers from turning up
their eyes as they passed under me: and, to confess the truth, my breeches were
at that time in so ill a condition, that they afforded some opportunities for
laughter and admiration.

I had sent so many memorials and petitions for my liberty, that his majesty at
length mentioned the matter, first in the cabinet, and then in a full council;
where it was opposed by none, except Skyresh Bolgolam, who was pleased, without
any provocation, to be my mortal enemy. But it was carried against him by the
whole board, and confirmed by the emperor. That minister was galbet, or admiral
of the realm, very much in his master's confidence, and a person well versed in
affairs, but of a morose and sour complexion. However, he was at length
persuaded to comply; but prevailed that the articles and conditions upon which
I should be set free, and to which I must swear, should be drawn up by himself.
These articles were brought to me by Skyresh Bolgolam in person attended by two
under-secretaries, and several persons of distinction. After they were read, I
was demanded to swear to the performance of them; first in the manner of my own
country, and afterwards in the method prescribed by their laws; which was, to
hold my right foot in my left hand, and to place the middle finger of my right
hand on the crown of my head, and my thumb on the tip of my right ear. But
because the reader may be curious to have some idea of the style and manner of
expression peculiar to that people, as well as to know the article upon which I
recovered my liberty, I have made a translation of the whole instrument, word
for word, as near as I was able, which I here offer to the public.

"Golbasto Momarem Evlame Gurdilo Shefin Mully Ully Gue, most mighty Emperor of
Lilliput, delight and terror of the universe, whose dominions extend five
thousand blustrugs (about twelve miles in circumference) to the extremities of
the globe; monarch of all monarchs, taller than the sons of men; whose feet
press down to the centre, and whose head strikes against the sun; at whose nod
the princes of the earth shake their knees; pleasant as the spring, comfortable
as the summer, fruitful as autumn, dreadful as winter: his most sublime majesty
proposes to the man-mountain, lately arrived at our celestial dominions, the
following articles, which, by a solemn oath, he shall be obliged to perform:-

"1st, The man-mountain shall not depart from our dominions, without our license
under our great seal.

"2d, He shall not presume to come into our metropolis, without our express
order; at which time, the inhabitants shall have two hours warning to keep
within doors.

"3d, The said man-mountain shall confine his walks to our principal high roads,
and not offer to walk, or lie down, in a meadow or field of corn.

"4th, As he walks the said roads, he shall take the utmost care not to trample
upon the bodies of any of our loving subjects, their horses, or carriages, nor
take any of our subjects into his hands without their own consent.

"5th, If an express requires extraordinary despatch, the man- mountain shall be
obliged to carry, in his pocket, the messenger and horse a six days journey,
once in every moon, and return the said messenger back (if so required) safe to
our imperial presence.

"6th, He shall be our ally against our enemies in the island of Blefuscu, and
do his utmost to destroy their fleet, which is now preparing to invade us.

"7th, That the said man-mountain shall, at his times of leisure, be aiding and
assisting to our workmen, in helping to raise certain great stones, towards
covering the wall of the principal park, and other our royal buildings.

"8th, That the said man-mountain shall, in two moons' time, deliver in an exact
survey of the circumference of our dominions, by a computation of his own paces
round the coast.

"Lastly, That, upon his solemn oath to observe all the above articles, the said
man-mountain shall have a daily allowance of meat and drink sufficient for the
support of 1724 of our subjects, with free access to our royal person, and
other marks of our favour. Given at our palace at Belfaborac, the twelfth day
of the ninety-first moon of our reign."

I swore and subscribed to these articles with great cheerfulness and content,
although some of them were not so honourable as I could have wished; which
proceeded wholly from the malice of Skyresh Bolgolam, the high-admiral:
whereupon my chains were immediately unlocked, and I was at full liberty. The
emperor himself, in person, did me the honour to be by at the whole ceremony. I
made my acknowledgements by prostrating myself at his majesty's feet: but he
commanded me to rise; and after many gracious expressions, which, to avoid the
censure of vanity, I shall not repeat, he added, "that he hoped I should prove
a useful servant, and well deserve all the favours he had already conferred
upon me, or might do for the future."

The reader may please to observe, that, in the last article of the recovery of
my liberty, the emperor stipulates to allow me a quantity of meat and drink
sufficient for the support of 1724 Lilliputians. Some time after, asking a
friend at court how they came to fix on that determinate number, he told me
that his majesty's mathematicians, having taken the height of my body by the
help of a quadrant, and finding it to exceed theirs in the proportion of twelve
to one, they concluded from the similarity of their bodies, that mine must
contain at least 1724 of theirs, and consequently would require as much food as
was necessary to support that number of Lilliputians. By which the reader may
conceive an idea of the ingenuity of that people, as well as the prudent and
exact economy of so great a prince.

CHAPTER IV.

[Mildendo, the metropolis of Lilliput, described, together with the emperor's
palace. A conversation between the author and a principal secretary, concerning
the affairs of that empire. The author's offers to serve the emperor in his
wars.]

The first request I made, after I had obtained my liberty, was, that I might
have license to see Mildendo, the metropolis; which the emperor easily granted
me, but with a special charge to do no hurt either to the inhabitants or their
houses. The people had notice, by proclamation, of my design to visit the town.
The wall which encompassed it is two feet and a half high, and at least eleven
inches broad, so that a coach and horses may be driven very safely round it;
and it is flanked with strong towers at ten feet distance. I stepped over the
great western gate, and passed very gently, and sidling, through the two
principal streets, only in my short waistcoat, for fear of damaging the roofs
and eaves of the houses with the skirts of my coat. I walked with the utmost
circumspection, to avoid treading on any stragglers who might remain in the
streets, although the orders were very strict, that all people should keep in
their houses, at their own peril. The garret windows and tops of houses were so
crowded with spectators, that I thought in all my travels I had not seen a more
populous place. The city is an exact square, each side of the wall being five
hundred feet long. The two great streets, which run across and divide it into
four quarters, are five feet wide. The lanes and alleys, which I could not
enter, but only view them as I passed, are from twelve to eighteen inches. The
town is capable of holding five hundred thousand souls: the houses are from
three to five stories: the shops and markets well provided.

The emperor's palace is in the centre of the city where the two great streets
meet. It is enclosed by a wall of two feet high, and twenty feet distance from
the buildings. I had his majesty's permission to step over this wall; and, the
space being so wide between that and the palace, I could easily view it on
every side. The outward court is a square of forty feet, and includes two other
courts: in the inmost are the royal apartments, which I was very desirous to
see, but found it extremely difficult; for the great gates, from one square
into another, were but eighteen inches high, and seven inches wide. Now the
buildings of the outer court were at least five feet high, and it was
impossible for me to stride over them without infinite damage to the pile,
though the walls were strongly built of hewn stone, and four inches thick. At
the same time the emperor had a great desire that I should see the magnificence
of his palace; but this I was not able to do till three days after, which I
spent in cutting down with my knife some of the largest trees in the royal
park, about a hundred yards distant from the city. Of these trees I made two
stools, each about three feet high, and strong enough to bear my weight. The
people having received notice a second time, I went again through the city to
the palace with my two stools in my hands. When I came to the side of the outer
court, I stood upon one stool, and took the other in my hand; this I lifted
over the roof, and gently set it down on the space between the first and second
court, which was eight feet wide. I then stept over the building very
conveniently from one stool to the other, and drew up the first after me with a
hooked stick. By this contrivance I got into the inmost court; and, lying down
upon my side, I applied my face to the windows of the middle stories, which
were left open on purpose, and discovered the most splendid apartments that can
be imagined. There I saw the empress and the young princes, in their several
lodgings, with their chief attendants about them. Her imperial majesty was
pleased to smile very graciously upon me, and gave me out of the window her
hand to kiss.

But I shall not anticipate the reader with further descriptions of this kind,
because I reserve them for a greater work, which is now almost ready for the
press; containing a general description of this empire, from its first
erection, through along series of princes; with a particular account of their
wars and politics, laws, learning, and religion; their plants and animals;
their peculiar manners and customs, with other matters very curious and useful;
my chief design at present being only to relate such events and transactions as
happened to the public or to myself during a residence of about nine months in
that empire.

One morning, about a fortnight after I had obtained my liberty, Reldresal,
principal secretary (as they style him) for private affairs, came to my house
attended only by one servant. He ordered his coach to wait at a distance, and
desired I would give him an hours audience; which I readily consented to, on
account of his quality and personal merits, as well as of the many good offices
he had done me during my solicitations at court. I offered to lie down that he
might the more conveniently reach my ear, but he chose rather to let me hold
him in my hand during our conversation. He began with compliments on my
liberty; said "he might pretend to some merit in it;" but, however, added,
"that if it had not been for the present situation of things at court, perhaps
I might not have obtained it so soon. For," said he, "as flourishing a
condition as we may appear to be in to foreigners, we labour under two mighty
evils: a violent faction at home, and the danger of an invasion, by a most
potent enemy, from abroad. As to the first, you are to understand, that for
about seventy moons past there have been two struggling parties in this empire,
under the names of Tramecksan and Slamecksan, from the high and low heels of
their shoes, by which they distinguish themselves. It is alleged, indeed, that
the high heels are most agreeable to our ancient constitution; but, however
this be, his majesty has determined to make use only of low heels in the
administration of the government, and all offices in the gift of the crown, as
you cannot but observe; and particularly that his majesty's imperial heels are
lower at least by a drurr than any of his court (drurr is a measure about the
fourteenth part of an inch). The animosities between these two parties run so
high, that they will neither eat, nor drink, nor talk with each other. We
compute the Tramecksan, or high heels, to exceed us in number; but the power is
wholly on our side. We apprehend his imperial highness, the heir to the crown,
to have some tendency towards the high heels; at least we can plainly discover
that one of his heels is higher than the other, which gives him a hobble in his
gait. Now, in the midst of these intestine disquiets, we are threatened with an
invasion from the island of Blefuscu, which is the other great empire of the
universe, almost as large and powerful as this of his majesty. For as to what
we have heard you affirm, that there are other kingdoms and states in the world
inhabited by human creatures as large as yourself, our philosophers are in much
doubt, and would rather conjecture that you dropped from the moon, or one of
the stars; because it is certain, that a hundred mortals of your bulk would in
a short time destroy all the fruits and cattle of his majesty's dominions:
besides, our histories of six thousand moons make no mention of any other
regions than the two great empires of Lilliput and Blefuscu. Which two mighty
powers have, as I was going to tell you, been engaged in a most obstinate war
for six-and-thirty moons past. It began upon the following occasion. It is
allowed on all hands, that the primitive way of breaking eggs, before we eat
them, was upon the larger end; but his present majesty's grandfather, while he
was a boy, going to eat an egg, and breaking it according to the ancient
practice, happened to cut one of his fingers. Whereupon the emperor his father
published an edict, commanding all his subjects, upon great penalties, to break
the smaller end of their eggs. The people so highly resented this law, that our
histories tell us, there have been six rebellions raised on that account;
wherein one emperor lost his life, and another his crown. These civil
commotions were constantly fomented by the monarchs of Blefuscu; and when they
were quelled, the exiles always fled for refuge to that empire. It is computed
that eleven thousand persons have at several times suffered death, rather than
submit to break their eggs at the smaller end. Many hundred large volumes have
been published upon this controversy: but the books of the Big- endians have
been long forbidden, and the whole party rendered incapable by law of holding
employments. During the course of these troubles, the emperors of Blefusca did
frequently expostulate by their ambassadors, accusing us of making a schism in
religion, by offending against a fundamental doctrine of our great prophet
Lustrog, in the fifty-fourth chapter of the Blundecral (which is their
Alcoran). This, however, is thought to be a mere strain upon the text; for the
words are these: 'that all true believers break their eggs at the convenient
end.' And which is the convenient end, seems, in my humble opinion to be left
to every man's conscience, or at least in the power of the chief magistrate to
determine. Now, the Big-endian exiles have found so much credit in the emperor
of Blefuscu's court, and so much private assistance and encouragement from
their party here at home, that a bloody war has been carried on between the two
empires for six-and-thirty moons, with various success; during which time we
have lost forty capital ships, and a much a greater number of smaller vessels,
together with thirty thousand of our best seamen and soldiers; and the damage
received by the enemy is reckoned to be somewhat greater than ours. However,
they have now equipped a numerous fleet, and are just preparing to make a
descent upon us; and his imperial majesty, placing great confidence in your
valour and strength, has commanded me to lay this account of his affairs before
you."

I desired the secretary to present my humble duty to the emperor; and to let
him know, "that I thought it would not become me, who was a foreigner, to
interfere with parties; but I was ready, with the hazard of my life, to defend
his person and state against all invaders."

CHAPTER V.

[The author, by an extraordinary stratagem, prevents an invasion. A high title
of honour is conferred upon him. Ambassadors arrive from the emperor of
Blefuscu, and sue for peace. The empress's apartment on fire by an accident;
the author instrumental in saving the rest of the palace.]

The empire of Blefuscu is an island situated to the north-east of Lilliput,
from which it is parted only by a channel of eight hundred yards wide. I had
not yet seen it, and upon this notice of an intended invasion, I avoided
appearing on that side of the coast, for fear of being discovered, by some of
the enemy's ships, who had received no intelligence of me; all intercourse
between the two empires having been strictly forbidden during the war, upon
pain of death, and an embargo laid by our emperor upon all vessels whatsoever.
I communicated to his majesty a project I had formed of seizing the enemy's
whole fleet; which, as our scouts assured us, lay at anchor in the harbour,
ready to sail with the first fair wind. I consulted the most experienced seamen
upon the depth of the channel, which they had often plumbed; who told me, that
in the middle, at high-water, it was seventy glumgluffs deep, which is about
six feet of European measure; and the rest of it fifty glumgluffs at most. I
walked towards the north-east coast, over against Blefuscu, where, lying down
behind a hillock, I took out my small perspective glass, and viewed the enemy's
fleet at anchor, consisting of about fifty men of war, and a great number of
transports: I then came back to my house, and gave orders (for which I had a
warrant) for a great quantity of the strongest cable and bars of iron. The
cable was about as thick as packthread and the bars of the length and size of a
knitting-needle. I trebled the cable to make it stronger, and for the same
reason I twisted three of the iron bars together, bending the extremities into
a hook. Having thus fixed fifty hooks to as many cables, I went back to the
north-east coast, and putting off my coat, shoes, and stockings, walked into
the sea, in my leathern jerkin, about half an hour before high water. I waded
with what haste I could, and swam in the middle about thirty yards, till I felt
ground. I arrived at the fleet in less than half an hour. The enemy was so
frightened when they saw me, that they leaped out of their ships, and swam to
shore, where there could not be fewer than thirty thousand souls. I then took
my tackling, and, fastening a hook to the hole at the prow of each, I tied all
the cords together at the end. While I was thus employed, the enemy discharged
several thousand arrows, many of which stuck in my hands and face, and, beside
the excessive smart, gave me much disturbance in my work. My greatest
apprehension was for mine eyes, which I should have infallibly lost, if I had
not suddenly thought of an expedient. I kept, among other little necessaries, a
pair of spectacles in a private pocket, which, as I observed before, had
escaped the emperor's searchers. These I took out and fastened as strongly as I
could upon my nose, and thus armed, went on boldly with my work, in spite of
the enemy's arrows, many of which struck against the glasses of my spectacles,
but without any other effect, further than a little to discompose them. I had
now fastened all the hooks, and, taking the knot in my hand, began to pull; but
not a ship would stir, for they were all too fast held by their anchors, so
that the boldest part of my enterprise remained. I therefore let go the cord,
and leaving the looks fixed to the ships, I resolutely cut with my knife the
cables that fastened the anchors, receiving about two hundred shots in my face
and hands; then I took up the knotted end of the cables, to which my hooks were
tied, and with great ease drew fifty of the enemy's largest men of war after
me.

The Blefuscudians, who had not the least imagination of what I intended, were
at first confounded with astonishment. They had seen me cut the cables, and
thought my design was only to let the ships run adrift or fall foul on each
other: but when they perceived the whole fleet moving in order, and saw me
pulling at the end, they set up such a scream of grief and despair as it is
almost impossible to describe or conceive. When I had got out of danger, I
stopped awhile to pick out the arrows that stuck in my hands and face; and
rubbed on some of the same ointment that was given me at my first arrival, as I
have formerly mentioned. I then took off my spectacles, and waiting about an
hour, till the tide was a little fallen, I waded through the middle with my
cargo, and arrived safe at the royal port of Lilliput.

The emperor and his whole court stood on the shore, expecting the issue of this
great adventure. They saw the ships move forward in a large half-moon, but
could not discern me, who was up to my breast in water. When I advanced to the
middle of the channel, they were yet more in pain, because I was under water to
my neck. The emperor concluded me to be drowned, and that the enemy's fleet was
approaching in a hostile manner: but he was soon eased of his fears; for the
channel growing shallower every step I made, I came in a short time within
hearing, and holding up the end of the cable, by which the fleet was fastened,
I cried in a loud voice, "Long live the most puissant king of Lilliput!" This
great prince received me at my landing with all possible encomiums, and created
me a nardac upon the spot, which is the highest title of honour among them.

His majesty desired I would take some other opportunity of bringing all the
rest of his enemy's ships into his ports. And so unmeasureable is the ambition
of princes, that he seemed to think of nothing less than reducing the whole
empire of Blefuscu into a province, and governing it, by a viceroy; of
destroying the Big- endian exiles, and compelling that people to break the
smaller end of their eggs, by which he would remain the sole monarch of the
whole world. But I endeavoured to divert him from this design, by many
arguments drawn from the topics of policy as well as justice; and I plainly
protested, "that I would never be an instrument of bringing a free and brave
people into slavery." And, when the matter was debated in council, the wisest
part of the ministry were of my opinion.

This open bold declaration of mine was so opposite to the schemes and politics
of his imperial majesty, that he could never forgive me. He mentioned it in a
very artful manner at council, where I was told that some of the wisest
appeared, at least by their silence, to be of my opinion; but others, who were
my secret enemies, could not forbear some expressions which, by a side-wind,
reflected on me. And from this time began an intrigue between his majesty and a
junto of ministers, maliciously bent against me, which broke out in less than
two months, and had like to have ended in my utter destruction. Of so little
weight are the greatest services to princes, when put into the balance with a
refusal to gratify their passions.

About three weeks after this exploit, there arrived a solemn embassy from
Blefuscu, with humble offers of a peace, which was soon concluded, upon
conditions very advantageous to our emperor, wherewith I shall not trouble the
reader. There were six ambassadors, with a train of about five hundred persons,
and their entry was very magnificent, suitable to the grandeur of their master,
and the importance of their business. When their treaty was finished, wherein I
did them several good offices by the credit I now had, or at least appeared to
have, at court, their excellencies, who were privately told how much I had been
their friend, made me a visit in form. They began with many compliments upon my
valour and generosity, invited me to that kingdom in the emperor their master's
name, and desired me to show them some proofs of my prodigious strength, of
which they had heard so many wonders; wherein I readily obliged them, but shall
not trouble the reader with the particulars.

When I had for some time entertained their excellencies, to their infinite
satisfaction and surprise, I desired they would do me the honour to present my
most humble respects to the emperor their master, the renown of whose virtues
had so justly filled the whole world with admiration, and whose royal person I
resolved to attend, before I returned to my own country. Accordingly, the next
time I had the honour to see our emperor, I desired his general license to wait
on the Blefuscudian monarch, which he was pleased to grant me, as I could
perceive, in a very cold manner; but could not guess the reason, till I had a
whisper from a certain person, "that Flimnap and Bolgolam had represented my
intercourse with those ambassadors as a mark of disaffection;" from which I am
sure my heart was wholly free. And this was the first time I began to conceive
some imperfect idea of courts and ministers.

It is to be observed, that these ambassadors spoke to me, by an interpreter,
the languages of both empires differing as much from each other as any two in
Europe, and each nation priding itself upon the antiquity, beauty, and energy
of their own tongue, with an avowed contempt for that of their neighbour; yet
our emperor, standing upon the advantage he had got by the seizure of their
fleet, obliged them to deliver their credentials, and make their speech, in the
Lilliputian tongue. And it must be confessed, that from the great intercourse
of trade and commerce between both realms, from the continual reception of
exiles which is mutual among them, and from the custom, in each empire, to send
their young nobility and richer gentry to the other, in order to polish
themselves by seeing the world, and understanding men and manners; there are
few persons of distinction, or merchants, or seamen, who dwell in the maritime
parts, but what can hold conversation in both tongues; as I found some weeks
after, when I went to pay my respects to the emperor of Blefuscu, which, in the
midst of great misfortunes, through the malice of my enemies, proved a very
happy adventure to me, as I shall relate in its proper place.

The reader may remember, that when I signed those articles upon which I
recovered my liberty, there were some which I disliked, upon account of their
being too servile; neither could anything but an extreme necessity have forced
me to submit. But being now a nardac of the highest rank in that empire, such
offices were looked upon as below my dignity, and the emperor (to do him
justice), never once mentioned them to me. However, it was not long before I
had an opportunity of doing his majesty, at least as I then thought, a most
signal service. I was alarmed at midnight with the cries of many hundred people
at my door; by which, being suddenly awaked, I was in some kind of terror. I
heard the word Burglum repeated incessantly: several of the emperor's court,
making their way through the crowd, entreated me to come immediately to the
palace, where her imperial majesty's apartment was on fire, by the carelessness
of a maid of honour, who fell asleep while she was reading a romance. I got up
in an instant; and orders being given to clear the way before me, and it being
likewise a moonshine night, I made a shift to get to the palace without
trampling on any of the people. I found they had already applied ladders to the
walls of the apartment, and were well provided with buckets, but the water was
at some distance. These buckets were about the size of large thimbles, and the
poor people supplied me with them as fast as they could: but the flame was so
violent that they did little good. I might easily have stifled it with my coat,
which I unfortunately left behind me for haste, and came away only in my
leathern jerkin. The case seemed wholly desperate and deplorable; and this
magnificent palace would have infallibly been burnt down to the ground, if, by
a presence of mind unusual to me, I had not suddenly thought of an expedient. I
had, the evening before, drunk plentifully of a most delicious wine called
glimigrim, (the Blefuscudians call it flunec, but ours is esteemed the better
sort,) which is very diuretic. By the luckiest chance in the world, I had not
discharged myself of any part of it. The heat I had contracted by coming very
near the flames, and by labouring to quench them, made the wine begin to
operate by urine; which I voided in such a quantity, and applied so well to the
proper places, that in three minutes the fire was wholly extinguished, and the
rest of that noble pile, which had cost so many ages in erecting, preserved
from destruction.

It was now day-light, and I returned to my house without waiting to
congratulate with the emperor: because, although I had done a very eminent
piece of service, yet I could not tell how his majesty might resent the manner
by which I had performed it: for, by the fundamental laws of the realm, it is
capital in any person, of what quality soever, to make water within the
precincts of the palace. But I was a little comforted by a message from his
majesty, "that he would give orders to the grand justiciary for passing my
pardon in form:" which, however, I could not obtain; and I was privately
assured, "that the empress, conceiving the greatest abhorrence of what I had
done, removed to the most distant side of the court, firmly resolved that those
buildings should never be repaired for her use: and, in the presence of her
chief confidents could not forbear vowing revenge."

CHAPTER VI.

[Of the inhabitants of Lilliput; their learning, laws, and customs; the manner
of educating their children. The author's way of living in that country. His
vindication of a great lady.]

Although I intend to leave the description of this empire to a particular
treatise, yet, in the mean time, I am content to gratify the curious reader
with some general ideas. As the common size of the natives is somewhat under
six inches high, so there is an exact proportion in all other animals, as well
as plants and trees: for instance, the tallest horses and oxen are between four
and five inches in height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their
geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so the several gradations downwards
till you come to the smallest, which to my sight, were almost invisible; but
nature has adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper for their
view: they see with great exactness, but at no great distance. And, to show the
sharpness of their sight towards objects that are near, I have been much
pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark, which was not so large as a
common fly; and a young girl threading an invisible needle with invisible silk.
Their tallest trees are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the
great royal park, the tops whereof I could but just reach with my fist
clenched. The other vegetables are in the same proportion; but this I leave to
the reader's imagination.

I shall say but little at present of their learning, which, for many ages, has
flourished in all its branches among them: but their manner of writing is very
peculiar, being neither from the left to the right, like the Europeans, nor
from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from up to down, like the
Chinese, but aslant, from one corner of the paper to the other, like ladies in
England.

They bury their dead with their heads directly downward, because they hold an
opinion, that in eleven thousand moons they are all to rise again; in which
period the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will turn upside down, and by
this means they shall, at their resurrection, be found ready standing on their
feet. The learned among them confess the absurdity of this doctrine; but the
practice still continues, in compliance to the vulgar.

There are some laws and customs in this empire very peculiar; and if they were
not so directly contrary to those of my own dear country, I should be tempted
to say a little in their justification. It is only to be wished they were as
well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to informers. All crimes
against the state, are punished here with the utmost severity; but, if the
person accused makes his innocence plainly to appear upon his trial, the
accuser is immediately put to an ignominious death; and out of his goods or
lands the innocent person is quadruply recompensed for the loss of his time,
for the danger he underwent, for the hardship of his imprisonment, and for all
the charges he has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be
deficient, it is largely supplied by the crown. The emperor also confers on him
some public mark of his favour, and proclamation is made of his innocence
through the whole city.

They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft, and therefore seldom fail
to punish it with death; for they allege, that care and vigilance, with a very
common understanding, may preserve a man's goods from thieves, but honesty has
no defence against superior cunning; and, since it is necessary that there
should be a perpetual intercourse of buying and selling, and dealing upon
credit, where fraud is permitted and connived at, or has no law to punish it,
the honest dealer is always undone, and the knave gets the advantage. I
remember, when I was once interceding with the emperor for a criminal who had
wronged his master of a great sum of money, which he had received by order and
ran away with; and happening to tell his majesty, by way of extenuation, that
it was only a breach of trust, the emperor thought it monstrous in me to offer
as a defence the greatest aggravation of the crime; and truly I had little to
say in return, farther than the common answer, that different nations had
different customs; for, I confess, I was heartily ashamed.~^

Although we usually call reward and punishment the two hinges upon which all
government turns, yet I could never observe this maxim to be put in practice by
any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever can there bring sufficient proof,
that he has strictly observed the laws of his country for seventy-three moons,
has a claim to certain privileges, according to his quality or condition of
life, with a proportionable sum of money out of a fund appropriated for that
use: he likewise acquires the title of snilpall, or legal, which is added to
his name, but does not descend to his posterity. And these people thought it a
prodigious defect of policy among us, when I told them that our laws were
enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It is upon this
account that the image of Justice, in their courts of judicature, is formed
with six eyes, two before, as many behind, and on each side one, to signify
circumspection; with a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed
in her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to punish.

In choosing persons for all employments, they have more regard to good morals
than to great abilities; for, since government is necessary to mankind, they
believe, that the common size of human understanding is fitted to some station
or other; and that Providence never intended to make the management of public
affairs a mystery to be comprehended only by a few persons of sublime genius,
of which there seldom are three born in an age: but they suppose truth,
justice, temperance, and the like, to be in every man's power; the practice of
which virtues, assisted by experience and a good intention, would qualify any
man for the service of his country, except where a course of study is required.
But they thought the want of moral virtues was so far from being supplied by
superior endowments of the mind, that employments could never be put into such
dangerous hands as those of persons so qualified; and, at least, that the
mistakes committed by ignorance, in a virtuous disposition, would never be of
such fatal consequence to the public weal, as the practices of a man, whose
inclinations led him to be corrupt, and who had great abilities to manage, to
multiply, and defend his corruptions.

In like manner, the disbelief of a Divine Providence renders a man incapable of
holding any public station; for, since kings avow themselves to be the deputies
of Providence, the Lilliputians think nothing can be more absurd than for a
prince to employ such men as disown the authority under which he acts.

In relating these and the following laws, I would only be understood to mean
the original institutions, and not the most scandalous corruptions, into which
these people are fallen by the degenerate nature of man. For, as to that
infamous practice of acquiring great employments by dancing on the ropes, or
badges of favour and distinction by leaping over sticks and creeping under
them, the reader is to observe, that they were first introduced by the
grandfather of the emperor now reigning, and grew to the present height by the
gradual increase of party and faction.

Ingratitude is among them a capital crime, as we read it to have been in some
other countries: for they reason thus; that whoever makes ill returns to his
benefactor, must needs be a common enemy to the rest of mankind, from whom he
has received no obligation, and therefore such a man is not fit to live.

Their notions relating to the duties of parents and children differ extremely
from ours. For, since the conjunction of male and female is founded upon the
great law of nature, in order to propagate and continue the species, the
Lilliputians will needs have it, that men and women are joined together, like
other animals, by the motives of concupiscence; and that their tenderness
towards their young proceeds from the like natural principle: for which reason
they will never allow that a child is under any obligation to his father for
begetting him, or to his mother for bringing him into the world; which,
considering the miseries of human life, was neither a benefit in itself, nor
intended so by his parents, whose thoughts, in their love encounters, were
otherwise employed. Upon these, and the like reasonings, their opinion is, that
parents are the last of all others to be trusted with the education of their
own children; and therefore they have in every town public nurseries, where all
parents, except cottagers and labourers, are obliged to send their infants of
both sexes to be reared and educated, when they come to the age of twenty
moons, at which time they are supposed to have some rudiments of docility.
These schools are of several kinds, suited to different qualities, and both
sexes. They have certain professors well skilled in preparing children for such
a condition of life as befits the rank of their parents, and their own
capacities, as well as inclinations. I shall first say something of the male
nurseries, and then of the female.

The nurseries for males of noble or eminent birth, are provided with grave and
learned professors, and their several deputies. The clothes and food of the
children are plain and simple. They are bred up in the principles of honour,
justice, courage, modesty, clemency, religion, and love of their country; they
are always employed in some business, except in the times of eating and
sleeping, which are very short, and two hours for diversions consisting of
bodily exercises. They are dressed by men till four years of age, and then are
obliged to dress themselves, although their quality be ever so great; and the
women attendant, who are aged proportionably to ours at fifty, perform only the
most menial offices. They are never suffered to converse with servants, but go
together in smaller or greater numbers to take their diversions, and always in
the presence of a professor, or one of his deputies; whereby they avoid those
early bad impressions of folly and vice, to which our children are subject.
Their parents are suffered to see them only twice a year; the visit is to last
but an hour; they are allowed to kiss the child at meeting and parting; but a
professor, who always stands by on those occasions, will not suffer them to
whisper, or use any fondling expressions, or bring any presents of toys,
sweetmeats, and the like.

The pension from each family for the education and entertainment of a child,
upon failure of due payment, is levied by the emperor's officers.

The nurseries for children of ordinary gentlemen, merchants, traders, and
handicrafts, are managed proportionably after the same manner; only those
designed for trades are put out apprentices at eleven years old, whereas those
of persons of quality continue in their exercises till fifteen, which answers
to twenty-one with us: but the confinement is gradually lessened for the last
three years.

In the female nurseries, the young girls of quality are educated much like the
males, only they are dressed by orderly servants of their own sex; but always
in the presence of a professor or deputy, till they come to dress themselves,
which is at five years old. And if it be found that these nurses ever presume
to entertain the girls with frightful or foolish stories, or the common follies
practised by chambermaids among us, they are publicly whipped thrice about the
city, imprisoned for a year, and banished for life to the most desolate part of
the country. Thus the young ladies are as much ashamed of being cowards and
fools as the men, and despise all personal ornaments, beyond decency and
cleanliness: neither did I perceive any difference in their education made by
their difference of sex, only that the exercises of the females were not
altogether so robust; and that some rules were given them relating to domestic
life, and a smaller compass of learning was enjoined them: for their maxim is,
that among peoples of quality, a wife should be always a reasonable and
agreeable companion, because she cannot always be young. When the girls are
twelve years old, which among them is the marriageable age, their parents or
guardians take them home, with great expressions of gratitude to the
professors, and seldom without tears of the young lady and her companions.

In the nurseries of females of the meaner sort, the children are instructed in
all kinds of works proper for their sex, and their several degrees: those
intended for apprentices are dismissed at seven years old, the rest are kept to
eleven.

The meaner families who have children at these nurseries, are obliged, besides
their annual pension, which is as low as possible, to return to the steward of
the nursery a small monthly share of their gettings, to be a portion for the
child; and therefore all parents are limited in their expenses by the law. For
the Lilliputians think nothing can be more unjust, than for people, in
subservience to their own appetites, to bring children into the world, and
leave the burthen of supporting them on the public. As to persons of quality,
they give security to appropriate a certain sum for each child, suitable to
their condition; and these funds are always managed with good husbandry and the
most exact justice.

The cottagers and labourers keep their children at home, their business being
only to till and cultivate the earth, and therefore their education is of
little consequence to the public: but the old and diseased among them, are
supported by hospitals; for begging is a trade unknown in this empire.

And here it may, perhaps, divert the curious reader, to give some account of my
domestics, and my manner of living in this country, during a residence of nine
months, and thirteen days. Having a head mechanically turned, and being
likewise forced by necessity, I had made for myself a table and chair
convenient enough, out of the largest trees in the royal park. Two hundred
sempstresses were employed to make me shirts, and linen for my bed and table,
all of the strongest and coarsest kind they could get; which, however, they
were forced to quilt together in several folds, for the thickest was some
degrees finer than lawn. Their linen is usually three inches wide, and three
feet make a piece. The sempstresses took my measure as I lay on the ground, one
standing at my neck, and another at my mid-leg, with a strong cord extended,
that each held by the end, while a third measured the length of the cord with a
rule of an inch long. Then they measured my right thumb, and desired no more;
for by a mathematical computation, that twice round the thumb is once round the
wrist, and so on to the neck and the waist, and by the help of my old shirt,
which I displayed on the ground before them for a pattern, they fitted me
exactly. Three hundred tailors were employed in the same manner to make me
clothes; but they had another contrivance for taking my measure. I kneeled
down, and they raised a ladder from the ground to my neck; upon this ladder one
of them mounted, and let fall a plumb-line from my collar to the floor, which
just answered the length of my coat: but my waist and arms I measured myself.
When my clothes were finished, which was done in my house (for the largest of
theirs would not have been able to hold them), they looked like the patch-work
made by the ladies in England, only that mine were all of a colour.

I had three hundred cooks to dress my victuals, in little convenient huts built
about my house, where they and their families lived, and prepared me two dishes
a-piece. I took up twenty waiters in my hand, and placed them on the table: a
hundred more attended below on the ground, some with dishes of meat, and some
with barrels of wine and other liquors slung on their shoulders; all which the
waiters above drew up, as I wanted, in a very ingenious manner, by certain
cords, as we draw the bucket up a well in Europe. A dish of their meat was a
good mouthful, and a barrel of their liquor a reasonable draught. Their mutton
yields to ours, but their beef is excellent. I have had a sirloin so large,
that I have been forced to make three bites of it; but this is rare. My
servants were astonished to see me eat it, bones and all, as in our country we
do the leg of a lark. Their geese and turkeys I usually ate at a mouthful, and
I confess they far exceed ours. Of their smaller fowl I could take up twenty or
thirty at the end of my knife.

One day his imperial majesty, being informed of my way of living, desired "that
himself and his royal consort, with the young princes of the blood of both
sexes, might have the happiness," as he was pleased to call it, "of dining with
me." They came accordingly, and I placed them in chairs of state, upon my
table, just over against me, with their guards about them. Flimnap, the lord
high treasurer, attended there likewise with his white staff; and I observed he
often looked on me with a sour countenance, which I would not seem to regard,
but ate more than usual, in honour to my dear country, as well as to fill the
court with admiration. I have some private reasons to believe, that this visit
from his majesty gave Flimnap an opportunity of doing me ill offices to his
master. That minister had always been my secret enemy, though he outwardly
caressed me more than was usual to the moroseness of his nature. He represented
to the emperor "the low condition of his treasury; that he was forced to take
up money at a great discount; that exchequer bills would not circulate under
nine per cent. below par; that I had cost his majesty above a million and a
half of sprugs" (their greatest gold coin, about the bigness of a spangle)
"and, upon the whole, that it would be advisable in the emperor to take the
first fair occasion of dismissing me."

I am here obliged to vindicate the reputation of an excellent lady, who was an
innocent sufferer upon my account. The treasurer took a fancy to be jealous of
his wife, from the malice of some evil tongues, who informed him that her grace
had taken a violent affection for my person; and the court scandal ran for some
time, that she once came privately to my lodging. This I solemnly declare to be
a most infamous falsehood, without any grounds, further than that her grace was
pleased to treat me with all innocent marks of freedom and friendship. I own
she came often to my house, but always publicly, nor ever without three more in
the coach, who were usually her sister and young daughter, and some particular
acquaintance; but this was common to many other ladies of the court. And I
still appeal to my servants round, whether they at any time saw a coach at my
door, without knowing what persons were in it. On those occasions, when a
servant had given me notice, my custom was to go immediately to the door, and,
after paying my respects, to take up the coach and two horses very carefully in
my hands (for, if there were six horses, the postillion always unharnessed
four,) and place them on a table, where I had fixed a movable rim quite round,
of five inches high, to prevent accidents. And I have often had four coaches
and horses at once on my table, full of company, while I sat in my chair,
leaning my face towards them; and when I was engaged with one set, the coachmen
would gently drive the others round my table. I have passed many an afternoon
very agreeably in these conversations. But I defy the treasurer, or his two
informers (I will name them, and let them make the best of it) Clustril and
Drunlo, to prove that any person ever came to me incognito, except the
secretary Reldresal, who was sent by express command of his imperial majesty,
as I have before related. I should not have dwelt so long upon this particular,
if it had not been a point wherein the reputation of a great lady is so nearly
concerned, to say nothing of my own; though I then had the honour to be a
nardac, which the treasurer himself is not; for all the world knows, that he is
only a glumglum, a title inferior by one degree, as that of a marquis is to a
duke in England; yet I allow he preceded me in right of his post. These false
informations, which I afterwards came to the knowledge of by an accident not
proper to mention, made the treasurer show his lady for some time an ill
countenance, and me a worse; and although he was at last undeceived and
reconciled to her, yet I lost all credit with him, and found my interest
decline very fast with the emperor himself, who was, indeed, too much governed
by that favourite.

CHAPTER VII.

[The author, being informed of a design to accuse him of high- treason, makes
his escape to Blefuscu. His reception there.]

Before I proceed to give an account of my leaving this kingdom, it may be
proper to inform the reader of a private intrigue which had been for two months
forming against me.

I had been hitherto, all my life, a stranger to courts, for which I was
unqualified by the meanness of my condition. I had indeed heard and read enough
of the dispositions of great princes and ministers, but never expected to have
found such terrible effects of them, in so remote a country, governed, as I
thought, by very different maxims from those in Europe.

When I was just preparing to pay my attendance on the emperor of Blefuscu, a
considerable person at court (to whom I had been very serviceable, at a time
when he lay under the highest displeasure of his imperial majesty) came to my
house very privately at night, in a close chair, and, without sending his name,
desired admittance. The chairmen were dismissed; I put the chair, with his
lordship in it, into my coat-pocket: and, giving orders to a trusty servant, to
say I was indisposed and gone to sleep, I fastened the door of my house, placed
the chair on the table, according to my usual custom, and sat down by it. After
the common salutations were over, observing his lordship's countenance full of
concern, and inquiring into the reason, he desired "I would hear him with
patience, in a matter that highly concerned my honour and my life." His speech
was to the following effect, for I took notes of it as soon as he left me:-

"You are to know," said he, "that several committees of council have been
lately called, in the most private manner, on your account; and it is but two
days since his majesty came to a full resolution.

"You are very sensible that Skyresh Bolgolam" (galbet, or high- admiral) "has
been your mortal enemy, almost ever since your arrival. His original reasons I
know not; but his hatred is increased since your great success against
Blefuscu, by which his glory as admiral is much obscured. This lord, in
conjunction with Flimnap the high-treasurer, whose enmity against you is
notorious on account of his lady, Limtoc the general, Lalcon the chamberlain,
and Balmuff the grand justiciary, have prepared articles of impeachment against
you, for treason and other capital crimes."

This preface made me so impatient, being conscious of my own merits and
innocence, that I was going to interrupt him; when he entreated me to be
silent, and thus proceeded:-

"Out of gratitude for the favours you have done me, I procured information of
the whole proceedings, and a copy of the articles; wherein I venture my head
for your service.

"'Articles of Impeachment against QUINBUS FLESTRIN, (the Man- Mountain.)

ARTICLE I.

"'Whereas, by a statute made in the reign of his imperial majesty Calin Deffar
Plune, it is enacted, that, whoever shall make water within the precincts of
the royal palace, shall be liable to the pains and penalties of high-treason;
notwithstanding, the said Quinbus Flestrin, in open breach of the said law,
under colour of extinguishing the fire kindled in the apartment of his
majesty's most dear imperial consort, did maliciously, traitorously, and
devilishly, by discharge of his urine, put out the said fire kindled in the
said apartment, lying and being within the precincts of the said royal palace,
against the statute in that case provided, etc. against the duty, etc.

ARTICLE II.

"'That the said Quinbus Flestrin, having brought the imperial fleet of Blefuscu
into the royal port, and being afterwards commanded by his imperial majesty to
seize all the other ships of the said empire of Blefuscu, and reduce that
empire to a province, to be governed by a viceroy from hence, and to destroy
and put to death, not only all the Big-endian exiles, but likewise all the
people of that empire who would not immediately forsake the Big-endian heresy,
he, the said Flestrin, like a false traitor against his most auspicious,
serene, imperial majesty, did petition to be excused from the said service,
upon pretence of unwillingness to force the consciences, or destroy the
liberties and lives of an innocent people.

ARTICLE III.

"'That, whereas certain ambassadors arrived from the Court of Blefuscu, to sue
for peace in his majesty's court, he, the said Flestrin, did, like a false
traitor, aid, abet, comfort, and divert, the said ambassadors, although he knew
them to be servants to a prince who was lately an open enemy to his imperial
majesty, and in an open war against his said majesty.

ARTICLE IV.

"'That the said Quinbus Flestrin, contrary to the duty of a faithful subject,
is now preparing to make a voyage to the court and empire of Blefuscu, for
which he has received only verbal license from his imperial majesty; and, under
colour of the said license, does falsely and traitorously intend to take the
said voyage, and thereby to aid, comfort, and abet the emperor of Blefuscu, so
lately an enemy, and in open war with his imperial majesty aforesaid.'

"There are some other articles; but these are the most important, of which I
have read you an abstract.

"In the several debates upon this impeachment, it must be confessed that his
majesty gave many marks of his great lenity; often urging the services you had
done him, and endeavouring to extenuate your crimes. The treasurer and admiral
insisted that you should be put to the most painful and ignominious death, by
setting fire to your house at night, and the general was to attend with twenty
thousand men, armed with poisoned arrows, to shoot you on the face and hands.
Some of your servants were to have private orders to strew a poisonous juice on
your shirts and sheets, which would soon make you tear your own flesh, and die
in the utmost torture. The general came into the same opinion; so that for a
long time there was a majority against you; but his majesty resolving, if
possible, to spare your life, at last brought off the chamberlain.

"Upon this incident, Reldresal, principal secretary for private affairs, who
always approved himself your true friend, was commanded by the emperor to
deliver his opinion, which he accordingly did; and therein justified the good
thoughts you have of him. He allowed your crimes to be great, but that still
there was room for mercy, the most commendable virtue in a prince, and for
which his majesty was so justly celebrated. He said, the friendship between you
and him was so well known to the world, that perhaps the most honourable board
might think him partial; however, in obedience to the command he had received,
he would freely offer his sentiments. That if his majesty, in consideration of
your services, and pursuant to his own merciful disposition, would please to
spare your life, and only give orders to put out both your eyes, he humbly
conceived, that by this expedient justice might in some measure be satisfied,
and all the world would applaud the lenity of the emperor, as well as the fair
and generous proceedings of those who have the honour to be his counsellors.
That the loss of your eyes would be no impediment to your bodily strength, by
which you might still be useful to his majesty; that blindness is an addition
to courage, by concealing dangers from us; that the fear you had for your eyes,
was the greatest difficulty in bringing over the enemy's fleet, and it would be
sufficient for you to see by the eyes of the ministers, since the greatest
princes do no more.

"This proposal was received with the utmost disapprobation by the whole board.
Bolgolam, the admiral, could not preserve his temper, but, rising up in fury,
said, he wondered how the secretary durst presume to give his opinion for
preserving the life of a traitor; that the services you had performed were, by
all true reasons of state, the great aggravation of your crimes; that you, who
were able to extinguish the fire by discharge of urine in her majesty's
apartment (which he mentioned with horror), might, at another time, raise an
inundation by the same means, to drown the whole palace; and the same strength
which enabled you to bring over the enemy's fleet, might serve, upon the first
discontent, to carry it back; that he had good reasons to think you were a
Big-endian in your heart; and, as treason begins in the heart, before it
appears in overt-acts, so he accused you as a traitor on that account, and
therefore insisted you should be put to death.

"The treasurer was of the same opinion: he showed to what straits his majesty's
revenue was reduced, by the charge of maintaining you, which would soon grow
insupportable; that the secretary's expedient of putting out your eyes, was so
far from being a remedy against this evil, that it would probably increase it,
as is manifest from the common practice of blinding some kind of fowls, after
which they fed the faster, and grew sooner fat; that his sacred majesty and the
council, who are your judges, were, in their own consciences, fully convinced
of your guilt, which was a sufficient argument to condemn you to death, without
the formal proofs required by the strict letter of the law.

"But his imperial majesty, fully determined against capital punishment, was
graciously pleased to say, that since the council thought the loss of your eyes
too easy a censure, some other way may be inflicted hereafter. And your friend
the secretary, humbly desiring to be heard again, in answer to what the
treasurer had objected, concerning the great charge his majesty was at in
maintaining you, said, that his excellency, who had the sole disposal of the
emperor's revenue, might easily provide against that evil, by gradually
lessening your establishment; by which, for want of sufficient for you would
grow weak and faint, and lose your appetite, and consequently, decay, and
consume in a few months; neither would the stench of your carcass be then so
dangerous, when it should become more than half diminished; and immediately
upon your death five or six thousand of his majesty's subjects might, in two or
three days, cut your flesh from your bones, take it away by cart-loads, and
bury it in distant parts, to prevent infection, leaving the skeleton as a
monument of admiration to posterity.

"Thus, by the great friendship of the secretary, the whole affair was
compromised. It was strictly enjoined, that the project of starving you by
degrees should be kept a secret; but the sentence of putting out your eyes was
entered on the books; none dissenting, except Bolgolam the admiral, who, being
a creature of the empress, was perpetually instigated by her majesty to insist
upon your death, she having borne perpetual malice against you, on account of
that infamous and illegal method you took to extinguish the fire in her
apartment.

"In three days your friend the secretary will be directed to come to your
house, and read before you the articles of impeachment; and then to signify the
great lenity and favour of his majesty and council, whereby you are only
condemned to the loss of your eyes, which his majesty does not question you
will gratefully and humbly submit to; and twenty of his majesty's surgeons will
attend, in order to see the operation well performed, by discharging very
sharp-pointed arrows into the balls of your eyes, as you lie on the ground.

"I leave to your prudence what measures you will take; and to avoid suspicion,
I must immediately return in as private a manner as I came."

His lordship did so; and I remained alone, under many doubts and perplexities
of mind.

It was a custom introduced by this prince and his ministry (very different, as
I have been assured, from the practice of former times,) that after the court
had decreed any cruel execution, either to gratify the monarch's resentment, or
the malice of a favourite, the emperor always made a speech to his whole
council, expressing his great lenity and tenderness, as qualities known and
confessed by all the world. This speech was immediately published throughout
the kingdom; nor did any thing terrify the people so much as those encomiums on
his majesty's mercy; because it was observed, that the more these praises were
enlarged and insisted on, the more inhuman was the punishment, and the sufferer
more innocent. Yet, as to myself, I must confess, having never been designed
for a courtier, either by my birth or education, I was so ill a judge of
things, that I could not discover the lenity and favour of this sentence, but
conceived it (perhaps erroneously) rather to be rigorous than gentle. I
sometimes thought of standing my trial, for, although I could not deny the
facts alleged in the several articles, yet I hoped they would admit of some
extenuation. But having in my life perused many state-trials, which I ever
observed to terminate as the judges thought fit to direct, I durst not rely on
so dangerous a decision, in so critical a juncture, and against such powerful
enemies. Once I was strongly bent upon resistance, for, while I had liberty the
whole strength of that empire could hardly subdue me, and I might easily with
stones pelt the metropolis to pieces; but I soon rejected that project with
horror, by remembering the oath I had made to the emperor, the favours I
received from him, and the high title of nardac he conferred upon me. Neither
had I so soon learned the gratitude of courtiers, to persuade myself, that his
majesty's present seventies acquitted me of all past obligations.

At last, I fixed upon a resolution, for which it is probable I may incur some
censure, and not unjustly; for I confess I owe the preserving of mine eyes, and
consequently my liberty, to my own great rashness and want of experience;
because, if I had then known the nature of princes and ministers, which I have
since observed in many other courts, and their methods of treating criminals
less obnoxious than myself, I should, with great alacrity and readiness, have
submitted to so easy a punishment. But hurried on by the precipitancy of youth,
and having his imperial majesty's license to pay my attendance upon the emperor
of Blefuscu, I took this opportunity, before the three days were elapsed, to
send a letter to my friend the secretary, signifying my resolution of setting
out that morning for Blefuscu, pursuant to the leave I had got; and, without
waiting for an answer, I went to that side of the island where our fleet lay. I
seized a large man of war, tied a cable to the prow, and, lifting up the
anchors, I stripped myself, put my clothes (together with my coverlet, which I
carried under my arm) into the vessel, and, drawing it after me, between wading
and swimming arrived at the royal port of Blefuscu, where the people had long
expected me: they lent me two guides to direct me to the capital city, which is
of the same name. I held them in my hands, till I came within two hundred yards
of the gate, and desired them "to signify my arrival to one of the secretaries,
and let him know, I there waited his majesty's command." I had an answer in
about an hour, "that his majesty, attended by the royal family, and great
officers of the court, was coming out to receive me." I advanced a hundred
yards. The emperor and his train alighted from their horses, the empress and
ladies from their coaches, and I did not perceive they were in any fright or
concern. I lay on the ground to kiss his majesty's and the empress's hands. I
told his majesty, "that I was come according to my promise, and with the
license of the emperor my master, to have the honour of seeing so mighty a
monarch, and to offer him any service in my power, consistent with my duty to
my own prince;" not mentioning a word of my disgrace, because I had hitherto no
regular information of it, and might suppose myself wholly ignorant of any such
design; neither could I reasonably conceive that the emperor would discover the
secret, while I was out of his power; wherein, however, it soon appeared I was
deceived.

I shall not trouble the reader with the particular account of my reception at
this court, which was suitable to the generosity of so great a prince; nor of
the difficulties I was in for want of a house and bed, being forced to lie on
the ground, wrapped up in my coverlet.

CHAPTER VIII.

[The author, by a lucky accident, finds means to leave Blefuscu; and, after
some difficulties, returns safe to his native country.]

Three days after my arrival, walking out of curiosity to the north- east coast
of the island, I observed, about half a league off in the sea, somewhat that
looked like a boat overturned. I pulled off my shoes and stockings, and,
wailing two or three hundred yards, I found the object to approach nearer by
force of the tide; and then plainly saw it to be a real boat, which I supposed
might by some tempest have been driven from a ship. Whereupon, I returned
immediately towards the city, and desired his imperial majesty to lend me
twenty of the tallest vessels he had left, after the loss of his fleet, and
three thousand seamen, under the command of his vice-admiral. This fleet sailed
round, while I went back the shortest way to the coast, where I first
discovered the boat. I found the tide had driven it still nearer. The seamen
were all provided with cordage, which I had beforehand twisted to a sufficient
strength. When the ships came up, I stripped myself, and waded till I came
within a hundred yards off the boat, after which I was forced to swim till I
got up to it. The seamen threw me the end of the cord, which I fastened to a
hole in the fore-part of the boat, and the other end to a man of war; but I
found all my labour to little purpose; for, being out of my depth, I was not
able to work. In this necessity I was forced to swim behind, and push the boat
forward, as often as I could, with one of my hands; and the tide favouring me,
I advanced so far that I could just hold up my chin and feel the ground. I
rested two or three minutes, and then gave the boat another shove, and so on,
till the sea was no higher than my arm-pits; and now, the most laborious part
being over, I took out my other cables, which were stowed in one of the ships,
and fastened them first to the boat, and then to nine of the vessels which
attended me; the wind being favourable, the seamen towed, and I shoved, until
we arrived within forty yards of the shore; and, waiting till the tide was out,
I got dry to the boat, and by the assistance of two thousand men, with ropes
and engines, I made a shift to turn it on its bottom, and found it was but
little damaged.

I shall not trouble the reader with the difficulties I was under, by the help
of certain paddles, which cost me ten days making, to get my boat to the royal
port of Blefuscu, where a mighty concourse of people appeared upon my arrival,
full of wonder at the sight of so prodigious a vessel. I told the emperor "that
my good fortune had thrown this boat in my way, to carry me to some place
whence I might return into my native country; and begged his majesty's orders
for getting materials to fit it up, together with his license to depart;"
which, after some kind expostulations, he was pleased to grant.

I did very much wonder, in all this time, not to have heard of any express
relating to me from our emperor to the court of Blefuscu. But I was afterward
given privately to understand, that his imperial majesty, never imagining I had
the least notice of his designs, believed I was only gone to Blefuscu in
performance of my promise, according to the license he had given me, which was
well known at our court, and would return in a few days, when the ceremony was
ended. But he was at last in pain at my long absence; and after consulting with
the treasurer and the rest of that cabal, a person of quality was dispatched
with the copy of the articles against me. This envoy had instructions to
represent to the monarch of Blefuscu, "the great lenity of his master, who was
content to punish me no farther than with the loss of mine eyes; that I had
fled from justice; and if I did not return in two hours, I should be deprived
of my title of nardac, and declared a traitor." The envoy further added, "that
in order to maintain the peace and amity between both empires, his master
expected that his brother of Blefuscu would give orders to have me sent back to
Lilliput, bound hand and foot, to be punished as a traitor."

The emperor of Blefuscu, having taken three days to consult, returned an answer
consisting of many civilities and excuses. He said, "that as for sending me
bound, his brother knew it was impossible; that, although I had deprived him of
his fleet, yet he owed great obligations to me for many good offices I had done
him in making the peace. That, however, both their majesties would soon be made
easy; for I had found a prodigious vessel on the shore, able to carry me on the
sea, which he had given orders to fit up, with my own assistance and direction;
and he hoped, in a few weeks, both empires would be freed from so insupportable
an encumbrance."

With this answer the envoy returned to Lilliput; and the monarch of Blefuscu
related to me all that had passed; offering me at the same time (but under the
strictest confidence) his gracious protection, if I would continue in his
service; wherein, although I believed him sincere, yet I resolved never more to
put any confidence in princes or ministers, where I could possibly avoid it;
and therefore, with all due acknowledgments for his favourable intentions, I
humbly begged to be excused. I told him, "that since fortune, whether good or
evil, had thrown a vessel in my way, I was resolved to venture myself on the
ocean, rather than be an occasion of difference between two such mighty
monarchs." Neither did I find the emperor at all displeased; and I discovered,
by a certain accident, that he was very glad of my resolution, and so were most
of his ministers.

These considerations moved me to hasten my departure somewhat sooner than I
intended; to which the court, impatient to have me gone, very readily
contributed. Five hundred workmen were employed to make two sails to my boat,
according to my directions, by quilting thirteen folds of their strongest linen
together. I was at the pains of making ropes and cables, by twisting ten,
twenty, or thirty of the thickest and strongest of theirs. A great stone that I
happened to find, after a long search, by the sea-shore, served me for an
anchor. I had the tallow of three hundred cows, for greasing my boat, and other
uses. I was at incredible pains in cutting down some of the largest
timber-trees, for oars and masts, wherein I was, however, much assisted by his
majesty's ship- carpenters, who helped me in smoothing them, after I had done
the rough work.

In about a month, when all was prepared, I sent to receive his majesty's
commands, and to take my leave. The emperor and royal family came out of the
palace; I lay down on my face to kiss his hand, which he very graciously gave
me: so did the empress and young princes of the blood. His majesty presented me
with fifty purses of two hundred sprugs a-piece, together with his picture at
full length, which I put immediately into one of my gloves, to keep it from
being hurt. The ceremonies at my departure were too many to trouble the reader
with at this time.

I stored the boat with the carcases of a hundred oxen, and three hundred sheep,
with bread and drink proportionable, and as much meat ready dressed as four
hundred cooks could provide. I took with me six cows and two bulls alive, with
as many ewes and rams, intending to carry them into my own country, and
propagate the breed. And to feed them on board, I had a good bundle of hay, and
a bag of corn. I would gladly have taken a dozen of the natives, but this was a
thing the emperor would by no means permit; and, besides a diligent search into
my pockets, his majesty engaged my honour "not to carry away any of his
subjects, although with their own consent and desire."

Having thus prepared all things as well as I was able, I set sail on the
twenty-fourth day of September 1701, at six in the morning; and when I had gone
about four-leagues to the northward, the wind being at south-east, at six in
the evening I descried a small island, about half a league to the north-west. I
advanced forward, and cast anchor on the lee-side of the island, which seemed
to be uninhabited. I then took some refreshment, and went to my rest. I slept
well, and as I conjectured at least six hours, for I found the day broke in two
hours after I awaked. It was a clear night. I ate my breakfast before the sun
was up; and heaving anchor, the wind being favourable, I steered the same
course that I had done the day before, wherein I was directed by my pocket
compass. My intention was to reach, if possible, one of those islands. which I
had reason to believe lay to the north-east of Van Diemen's Land. I discovered
nothing all that day; but upon the next, about three in the afternoon, when I
had by my computation made twenty-four leagues from Blefuscu, I descried a sail
steering to the south- east; my course was due east. I hailed her, but could
get no answer; yet I found I gained upon her, for the wind slackened. I made
all the sail I could, and in half an hour she spied me, then hung out her
ancient, and discharged a gun. It is not easy to express the joy I was in, upon
the unexpected hope of once more seeing my beloved country, and the dear
pledges I left in it. The ship slackened her sails, and I came up with her
between five and six in the evening, September 26th; but my heart leaped within
me to see her English colours. I put my cows and sheep into my coat- pockets,
and got on board with all my little cargo of provisions. The vessel was an
English merchantman, returning from Japan by the North and South seas; the
captain, Mr. John Biddel, of Deptford, a very civil man, and an excellent
sailor.

We were now in the latitude of 30 degrees south; there were about fifty men in
the ship; and here I met an old comrade of mine, one Peter Williams, who gave
me a good character to the captain. This gentleman treated me with kindness,
and desired I would let him know what place I came from last, and whither I was
bound; which I did in a few words, but he thought I was raving, and that the
dangers I underwent had disturbed my head; whereupon I took my black cattle and
sheep out of my pocket, which, after great astonishment, clearly convinced him
of my veracity. I then showed him the gold given me by the emperor of Blefuscu,
together with his majesty's picture at full length, and some other rarities of
that country. I gave him two purses of two hundreds sprugs each, and promised,
when we arrived in England, to make him a present of a cow and a sheep big with
young.

I shall not trouble the reader with a particular account of this voyage, which
was very prosperous for the most part. We arrived in the Downs on the 13th of
April, 1702. I had only one misfortune, that the rats on board carried away one
of my sheep; I found her bones in a hole, picked clean from the flesh. The rest
of my cattle I got safe ashore, and set them a-grazing in a bowling-green at
Greenwich, where the fineness of the grass made them feed very heartily, though
I had always feared the contrary: neither could I possibly have preserved them
in so long a voyage, if the captain had not allowed me some of his best
biscuit, which, rubbed to powder, and mingled with water, was their constant
food. The short time I continued in England, I made a considerable profit by
showing my cattle to many persons of quality and others: and before I began my
second voyage, I sold them for six hundred pounds. Since my last return I find
the breed is considerably increased, especially the sheep, which I hope will
prove much to the advantage of the woollen manufacture, by the fineness of the
fleeces.

I stayed but two months with my wife and family, for my insatiable desire of
seeing foreign countries, would suffer me to continue no longer. I left fifteen
hundred pounds with my wife, and fixed her in a good house at Redriff. My
remaining stock I carried with me, part in money and part in goods, in hopes to
improve my fortunes. My eldest uncle John had left me an estate in land, near
Epping, of about thirty pounds a-year; and I had a long lease of the Black Bull
in Fetter-Lane, which yielded me as much more; so that I was not in any danger
of leaving my family upon the parish. My son Johnny, named so after his uncle,
was at the grammar-school, and a towardly child. My daughter Betty (who is now
well married, and has children) was then at her needle-work. I took leave of my
wife, and boy and girl, with tears on both sides, and went on board the
Adventure, a merchant ship of three hundred tons, bound for Surat, captain John
Nicholas, of Liverpool, commander. But my account of this voyage must be
referred to the Second Part of my Travels.

PART II. A VOYAGE TO BROBDINGNAG.

CHAPTER I.

[A great storm described; the long boat sent to fetch water; the author goes
with it to discover the country. He is left on shore, is seized by one of the
natives, and carried to a farmer's house. His reception, with several accidents
that happened there. A description of the inhabitants.]

Having been condemned, by nature and fortune, to active and restless life, in
two months after my return, I again left my native country, and took shipping
in the Downs, on the 20th day of June, 1702, in the Adventure, Captain John
Nicholas, a Cornish man, commander, bound for Surat. We had a very prosperous
gale, till we arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, where we landed for fresh
water; but discovering a leak, we unshipped our goods and wintered there; for
the captain falling sick of an ague, we could not leave the Cape till the end
of March. We then set sail, and had a good voyage till we passed the Straits of
Madagascar; but having got northward of that island, and to about five degrees
south latitude, the winds, which in those seas are observed to blow a constant
equal gale between the north and west, from the beginning of December to the
beginning of May, on the 19th of April began to blow with much greater
violence, and more westerly than usual, continuing so for twenty days together:
during which time, we were driven a little to the east of the Molucca Islands,
and about three degrees northward of the line, as our captain found by an
observation he took the 2nd of May, at which time the wind ceased, and it was a
perfect calm, whereat I was not a little rejoiced. But he, being a man well
experienced in the navigation of those seas, bid us all prepare against a
storm, which accordingly happened the day following: for the southern wind,
called the southern monsoon, began to set in.

Finding it was likely to overblow, we took in our sprit-sail, and stood by to
hand the fore-sail; but making foul weather, we looked the guns were all fast,
and handed the mizen. The ship lay very broad off, so we thought it better
spooning before the sea, than trying or hulling. We reefed the fore-sail and
set him, and hauled aft the fore-sheet; the helm was hard a-weather. The ship
wore bravely. We belayed the fore down-haul; but the sail was split, and we
hauled down the yard, and got the sail into the ship, and unbound all the
things clear of it. It was a very fierce storm; the sea broke strange and
dangerous. We hauled off upon the laniard of the whip-staff, and helped the man
at the helm. We would not get down our topmast, but let all stand, because she
scudded before the sea very well, and we knew that the top-mast being aloft,
the ship was the wholesomer, and made better way through the sea, seeing we had
sea-room. When the storm was over, we set fore-sail and main-sail, and brought
the ship to. Then we set the mizen, main-top-sail, and the fore-top-sail. Our
course was east-north-east, the wind was at south-west. We got the starboard
tacks aboard, we cast off our weather-braces and lifts; we set in the
lee-braces, and hauled forward by the weather- bowlings, and hauled them tight,
and belayed them, and hauled over the mizen tack to windward, and kept her full
and by as near as she would lie.

During this storm, which was followed by a strong wind west-south- west, we
were carried, by my computation, about five hundred leagues to the east, so
that the oldest sailor on board could not tell in what part of the world we
were. Our provisions held out well, our ship was staunch, and our crew all in
good health; but we lay in the utmost distress for water. We thought it best to
hold on the same course, rather than turn more northerly, which might have
brought us to the north-west part of Great Tartary, and into the Frozen Sea.

On the 16th day of June, 1703, a boy on the top-mast discovered land. On the
17th, we came in full view of a great island, or continent (for we knew not
whether;) on the south side whereof was a small neck of land jutting out into
the sea, and a creek too shallow to hold a ship of above one hundred tons. We
cast anchor within a league of this creek, and our captain sent a dozen of his
men well armed in the long-boat, with vessels for water, if any could be found.
I desired his leave to go with them, that I might see the country, and make
what discoveries I could. When we came to land we saw no river or spring, nor
any sign of inhabitants. Our men therefore wandered on the shore to find out
some fresh water near the sea, and I walked alone about a mile on the other
side, where I observed the country all barren and rocky. I now began to be
weary, and seeing nothing to entertain my curiosity, I returned gently down
towards the creek; and the sea being full in my view, I saw our men already got
into the boat, and rowing for life to the ship. I was going to holla after
them, although it had been to little purpose, when I observed a huge creature
walking after them in the sea, as fast as he could: he waded not much deeper
than his knees, and took prodigious strides: but our men had the start of him
half a league, and, the sea thereabouts being full of sharp-pointed rocks, the
monster was not able to overtake the boat. This I was afterwards told, for I
durst not stay to see the issue of the adventure; but ran as fast as I could
the way I first went, and then climbed up a steep hill, which gave me some
prospect of the country. I found it fully cultivated; but that which first
surprised me was the length of the grass, which, in those grounds that seemed
to be kept for hay, was about twenty feet high.

I fell into a high road, for so I took it to be, though it served to the
inhabitants only as a foot-path through a field of barley. Here I walked on for
some time, but could see little on either side, it being now near harvest, and
the corn rising at least forty feet. I was an hour walking to the end of this
field, which was fenced in with a hedge of at least one hundred and twenty feet
high, and the trees so lofty that I could make no computation of their
altitude. There was a stile to pass from this field into the next. It had four
steps, and a stone to cross over when you came to the uppermost. It was
impossible for me to climb this stile, because every step was six-feet high,
and the upper stone about twenty. I was endeavouring to find some gap in the
hedge, when I discovered one of the inhabitants in the next field, advancing
towards the stile, of the same size with him whom I saw in the sea pursuing our
boat. He appeared as tall as an ordinary spire steeple, and took about ten
yards at every stride, as near as I could guess. I was struck with the utmost
fear and astonishment, and ran to hide myself in the corn, whence I saw him at
the top of the stile looking back into the next field on the right hand, and
heard him call in a voice many degrees louder than a speaking- trumpet: but the
noise was so high in the air, that at first I certainly thought it was thunder.
Whereupon seven monsters, like himself, came towards him with reaping-hooks in
their hands, each hook about the largeness of six scythes. These people were
not so well clad as the first, whose servants or labourers they seemed to be;
for, upon some words he spoke, they went to reap the corn in the field where I
lay. I kept from them at as great a distance as I could, but was forced to move
with extreme difficulty, for the stalks of the corn were sometimes not above a
foot distant, so that I could hardly squeeze my body betwixt them. However, I
made a shift to go forward, till I came to a part of the field where the corn
had been laid by the rain and wind. Here it was impossible for me to advance a
step; for the stalks were so interwoven, that I could not creep through, and
the beards of the fallen ears so strong and pointed, that they pierced through
my clothes into my flesh. At the same time I heard the reapers not a hundred
yards behind me. Being quite dispirited with toil, and wholly overcome by grief
and dispair, I lay down between two ridges, and heartily wished I might there
end my days. I bemoaned my desolate widow and fatherless children. I lamented
my own folly and wilfulness, in attempting a second voyage, against the advice
of all my friends and relations. In this terrible agitation of mind, I could
not forbear thinking of Lilliput, whose inhabitants looked upon me as the
greatest prodigy that ever appeared in the world; where I was able to draw an
imperial fleet in my hand, and perform those other actions, which will be
recorded for ever in the chronicles of that empire, while posterity shall
hardly believe them, although attested by millions. I reflected what a
mortification it must prove to me, to appear as inconsiderable in this nation,
as one single Lilliputian would be among us. But this I conceived was to be the
least of my misfortunes; for, as human creatures are observed to be more savage
and cruel in proportion to their bulk, what could I expect but to be a morsel
in the mouth of the first among these enormous barbarians that should happen to
seize me? Undoubtedly philosophers are in the right, when they tell us that
nothing is great or little otherwise than by comparison. It might have pleased
fortune, to have let the Lilliputians find some nation, where the people were
as diminutive with respect to them, as they were to me. And who knows but that
even this prodigious race of mortals might be equally overmatched in some
distant part of the world, whereof we have yet no discovery.

Scared and confounded as I was, I could not forbear going on with these
reflections, when one of the reapers, approaching within ten yards of the ridge
where I lay, made me apprehend that with the next step I should be squashed to
death under his foot, or cut in two with his reaping-hook. And therefore, when
he was again about to move, I screamed as loud as fear could make me: whereupon
the huge creature trod short, and, looking round about under him for some time,
at last espied me as I lay on the ground. He considered awhile, with the
caution of one who endeavours to lay hold on a small dangerous animal in such a
manner that it shall not be able either to scratch or bite him, as I myself
have sometimes done with a weasel in England. At length he ventured to take me
behind, by the middle, between his fore-finger and thumb, and brought me within
three yards of his eyes, that he might behold my shape more perfectly. I
guessed his meaning, and my good fortune gave me so much presence of mind, that
I resolved not to struggle in the least as he held me in the air above sixty
feet from the ground, although he grievously pinched my sides, for fear I
should slip through his fingers. All I ventured was to raise mine eyes towards
the sun, and place my hands together in a supplicating posture, and to speak
some words in a humble melancholy tone, suitable to the condition I then was
in: for I apprehended every moment that he would dash me against the ground, as
we usually do any little hateful animal, which we have a mind to destroy. But
my good star would have it, that he appeared pleased with my voice and
gestures, and began to look upon me as a curiosity, much wondering to hear me
pronounce articulate words, although he could not understand them. In the mean
time I was not able to forbear groaning and shedding tears, and turning my head
towards my sides; letting him know, as well as I could, how cruelly I was hurt
by the pressure of his thumb and finger. He seemed to apprehend my meaning;
for, lifting up the lappet of his coat, he put me gently into it, and
immediately ran along with me to his master, who was a substantial farmer, and
the same person I had first seen in the field.

The farmer having (as I suppose by their talk) received such an account of me
as his servant could give him, took a piece of a small straw, about the size of
a walking-staff, and therewith lifted up the lappets of my coat; which it seems
he thought to be some kind of covering that nature had given me. He blew my
hairs aside to take a better view of my face. He called his hinds about him,
and asked them, as I afterwards learned, whether they had ever seen in the
fields any little creature that resembled me. He then placed me softly on the
ground upon all fours, but I got immediately up, and walked slowly backward and
forward, to let those people see I had no intent to run away. They all sat down
in a circle about me, the better to observe my motions. I pulled off my hat,
and made a low bow towards the farmer. I fell on my knees, and lifted up my
hands and eyes, and spoke several words as loud as I could: I took a purse of
gold out of my pocket, and humbly presented it to him. He received it on the
palm of his hand, then applied it close to his eye to see what it was, and
afterwards turned it several times with the point of a pin (which he took out
of his sleeve,) but could make nothing of it. Whereupon I made a sign that he
should place his hand on the ground. I then took the purse, and, opening it,
poured all the gold into his palm. There were six Spanish pieces of four
pistoles each, beside twenty or thirty smaller coins. I saw him wet the tip of
his little finger upon his tongue, and take up one of my largest pieces, and
then another; but he seemed to be wholly ignorant what they were. He made me a
sign to put them again into my purse, and the purse again into my pocket,
which, after offering it to him several times, I thought it best to do.

The farmer, by this time, was convinced I must be a rational creature. He spoke
often to me; but the sound of his voice pierced my ears like that of a
water-mill, yet his words were articulate enough. I answered as loud as I could
in several languages, and he often laid his ear within two yards of me: but all
in vain, for we were wholly unintelligible to each other. He then sent his
servants to their work, and taking his handkerchief out of his pocket, he
doubled and spread it on his left hand, which he placed flat on the ground with
the palm upward, making me a sign to step into it, as I could easily do, for it
was not above a foot in thickness. I thought it my part to obey, and, for fear
of falling, laid myself at full length upon the handkerchief, with the
remainder of which he lapped me up to the head for further security, and in
this manner carried me home to his house. There he called his wife, and showed
me to her; but she screamed and ran back, as women in England do at the sight
of a toad or a spider. However, when she had a while seen my behaviour, and how
well I observed the signs her husband made, she was soon reconciled, and by
degrees grew extremely tender of me.

It was about twelve at noon, and a servant brought in dinner. It was only one
substantial dish of meat (fit for the plain condition of a husbandman,) in a
dish of about four-and-twenty feet diameter. The company were, the farmer and
his wife, three children, and an old grandmother. When they were sat down, the
farmer placed me at some distance from him on the table, which was thirty feet
high from the floor. I was in a terrible fright, and kept as far as I could
from the edge, for fear of falling. The wife minced a bit of meat, then
crumbled some bread on a trencher, and placed it before me. I made her a low
bow, took out my knife and fork, and fell to eat, which gave them exceeding
delight. The mistress sent her maid for a small dram cup, which held about two
gallons, and filled it with drink; I took up the vessel with much difficulty in
both hands, and in a most respectful manner drank to her ladyship's health,
expressing the words as loud as I could in English, which made the company
laugh so heartily, that I was almost deafened with the noise. This liquor
tasted like a small cider, and was not unpleasant. Then the master made me a
sign to come to his trencher side; but as I walked on the table, being in great
surprise all the time, as the indulgent reader will easily conceive and excuse,
I happened to stumble against a crust, and fell flat on my face, but received
no hurt. I got up immediately, and observing the good people to be in much
concern, I took my hat (which I held under my arm out of good manners,) and
waving it over my head, made three huzzas, to show I had got no mischief by my
fall. But advancing forward towards my master (as I shall henceforth call him,)
his youngest son, who sat next to him, an arch boy of about ten years old, took
me up by the legs, and held me so high in the air, that I trembled every limb:
but his father snatched me from him, and at the same time gave him such a box
on the left ear, as would have felled an European troop of horse to the earth,
ordering him to be taken from the table. But being afraid the boy might owe me
a spite, and well remembering how mischievous all children among us naturally
are to sparrows, rabbits, young kittens, and puppy dogs, I fell on my knees,
and pointing to the boy, made my master to understand, as well as I could, that
I desired his son might be pardoned. The father complied, and the lad took his
seat again, whereupon I went to him, and kissed his hand, which my master took,
and made him stroke me gently with it.

In the midst of dinner, my mistress's favourite cat leaped into her lap. I
heard a noise behind me like that of a dozen stocking- weavers at work; and
turning my head, I found it proceeded from the purring of that animal, who
seemed to be three times larger than an ox, as I computed by the view of her
head, and one of her paws, while her mistress was feeding and stroking her. The
fierceness of this creature's countenance altogether discomposed me; though I
stood at the farther end of the table, above fifty feet off; and although my
mistress held her fast, for fear she might give a spring, and seize me in her
talons. But it happened there was no danger, for the cat took not the least
notice of me when my master placed me within three yards of her. And as I have
been always told, and found true by experience in my travels, that flying or
discovering fear before a fierce animal, is a certain way to make it pursue or
attack you, so I resolved, in this dangerous juncture, to show no manner of
concern. I walked with intrepidity five or six times before the very head of
the cat, and came within half a yard of her; whereupon she drew herself back,
as if she were more afraid of me: I had less apprehension concerning the dogs,
whereof three or four came into the room, as it is usual in farmers' houses;
one of which was a mastiff, equal in bulk to four elephants, and another a
greyhound, somewhat taller than the mastiff, but not so large.

When dinner was almost done, the nurse came in with a child of a year old in
her arms, who immediately spied me, and began a squall that you might have
heard from London-Bridge to Chelsea, after the usual oratory of infants, to get
me for a plaything. The mother, out of pure indulgence, took me up, and put me
towards the child, who presently seized me by the middle, and got my head into
his mouth, where I roared so loud that the urchin was frighted, and let me
drop, and I should infallibly have broke my neck, if the mother had not held
her apron under me. The nurse, to quiet her babe, made use of a rattle which
was a kind of hollow vessel filled with great stones, and fastened by a cable
to the child's waist: but all in vain; so that she was forced to apply the last
remedy by giving it suck. I must confess no object ever disgusted me so much as
the sight of her monstrous breast, which I cannot tell what to compare with, so
as to give the curious reader an idea of its bulk, shape, and colour. It stood
prominent six feet, and could not be less than sixteen in circumference. The
nipple was about half the bigness of my head, and the hue both of that and the
dug, so varied with spots, pimples, and freckles, that nothing could appear
more nauseous: for I had a near sight of her, she sitting down, the more
conveniently to give suck, and I standing on the table. This made me reflect
upon the fair skins of our English ladies, who appear so beautiful to us, only
because they are of our own size, and their defects not to be seen but through
a magnifying glass; where we find by experiment that the smoothest and whitest
skins look rough, and coarse, and ill-coloured.

I remember when I was at Lilliput, the complexion of those diminutive people
appeared to me the fairest in the world; and talking upon this subject with a
person of learning there, who was an intimate friend of mine, he said that my
face appeared much fairer and smoother when he looked on me from the ground,
than it did upon a nearer view, when I took him up in my hand, and brought him
close, which he confessed was at first a very shocking sight. He said, "he
could discover great holes in my skin; that the stumps of my beard were ten
times stronger than the bristles of a boar, and my complexion made up of
several colours altogether disagreeable:" although I must beg leave to say for
myself, that I am as fair as most of my sex and country, and very little
sunburnt by all my travels. On the other side, discoursing of the ladies in
that emperor's court, he used to tell me, "one had freckles; another too wide a
mouth; a third too large a nose;" nothing of which I was able to distinguish. I
confess this reflection was obvious enough; which, however, I could not
forbear, lest the reader might think those vast creatures were actually
deformed: for I must do them the justice to say, they are a comely race of
people, and particularly the features of my master's countenance, although he
was but a farmer, when I beheld him from the height of sixty feet, appeared
very well proportioned.

When dinner was done, my master went out to his labourers, and, as I could
discover by his voice and gesture, gave his wife strict charge to take care of
me. I was very much tired, and disposed to sleep, which my mistress perceiving,
she put me on her own bed, and covered me with a clean white handkerchief, but
larger and coarser than the mainsail of a man-of-war.

I slept about two hours, and dreamt I was at home with my wife and children,
which aggravated my sorrows when I awaked, and found myself alone in a vast
room, between two and three hundred feet wide, and above two hundred high,
lying in a bed twenty yards wide. My mistress was gone about her household
affairs, and had locked me in. The bed was eight yards from the floor. Some
natural necessities required me to get down; I durst not presume to call; and
if I had, it would have been in vain, with such a voice as mine, at so great a
distance from the room where I lay to the kitchen where the family kept. While
I was under these circumstances, two rats crept up the curtains, and ran
smelling backwards and forwards on the bed. One of them came up almost to my
face, whereupon I rose in a fright, and drew out my hanger to defend myself.
These horrible animals had the boldness to attack me on both sides, and one of
them held his fore-feet at my collar; but I had the good fortune to rip up his
belly before he could do me any mischief. He fell down at my feet; and the
other, seeing the fate of his comrade, made his escape, but not without one
good wound on the back, which I gave him as he fled, and made the blood run
trickling from him. After this exploit, I walked gently to and fro on the bed,
to recover my breath and loss of spirits. These creatures were of the size of a
large mastiff, but infinitely more nimble and fierce; so that if I had taken
off my belt before I went to sleep, I must have infallibly been torn to pieces
and devoured. I measured the tail of the dead rat, and found it to be two yards
long, wanting an inch; but it went against my stomach to drag the carcass off
the bed, where it lay still bleeding; I observed it had yet some life, but with
a strong slash across the neck, I thoroughly despatched it.

Soon after my mistress came into the room, who seeing me all bloody, ran and
took me up in her hand. I pointed to the dead rat, smiling, and making other
signs to show I was not hurt; whereat she was extremely rejoiced, calling the
maid to take up the dead rat with a pair of tongs, and throw it out of the
window. Then she set me on a table, where I showed her my hanger all bloody,
and wiping it on the lappet of my coat, returned it to the scabbard. I was
pressed to do more than one thing which another could not do for me, and
therefore endeavoured to make my mistress understand, that I desired to be set
down on the floor; which after she had done, my bashfulness would not suffer me
to express myself farther, than by pointing to the door, and bowing several
times. The good woman, with much difficulty, at last perceived what I would be
at, and taking me up again in her hand, walked into the garden, where she set
me down. I went on one side about two hundred yards, and beckoning to her not
to look or to follow me, I hid myself between two leaves of sorrel, and there
discharged the necessities of nature.

I hope the gentle reader will excuse me for dwelling on these and the like
particulars, which, however insignificant they may appear to groveling vulgar
minds, yet will certainly help a philosopher to enlarge his thoughts and
imagination, and apply them to the benefit of public as well as private life,
which was my sole design in presenting this and other accounts of my travels to
the world; wherein I have been chiefly studious of truth, without affecting any
ornaments of learning or of style. But the whole scene of this voyage made so
strong an impression on my mind, and is so deeply fixed in my memory, that, in
committing it to paper I did not omit one material circumstance: however, upon
a strict review, I blotted out several passages. Of less moment which were in
my first copy, for fear of being censured as tedious and trifling, whereof
travellers are often, perhaps not without justice, accused.

CHAPTER II.

[A description of the farmer's daughter. The author carried to a market-town,
and then to the metropolis. The particulars of his journey.]

My mistress had a daughter of nine years old, a child of towardly parts for her
age, very dexterous at her needle, and skilful in dressing her baby. Her mother
and she contrived to fit up the baby's cradle for me against night: the cradle
was put into a small drawer of a cabinet, and the drawer placed upon a hanging
shelf for fear of the rats. This was my bed all the time I staid with those
people, though made more convenient by degrees, as I began to learn their
language and make my wants known. This young girl was so handy, that after I
had once or twice pulled off my clothes before her, she was able to dress and
undress me, though I never gave her that trouble when she would let me do
either myself. She made me seven shirts, and some other linen, of as fine cloth
as could be got, which indeed was coarser than sackcloth; and these she
constantly washed for me with her own hands. She was likewise my
school-mistress, to teach me the language: when I pointed to any thing, she
told me the name of it in her own tongue, so that in a few days I was able to
call for whatever I had a mind to. She was very good-natured, and not above
forty feet high, being little for her age. She gave me the name of Grildrig,
which the family took up, and afterwards the whole kingdom. The word imports
what the Latins call nanunculus, the Italians homunceletino, and the English
mannikin. To her I chiefly owe my preservation in that country: we never parted
while I was there; I called her my Glumdalclitch, or little nurse; and should
be guilty of great ingratitude, if I omitted this honourable mention of her
care and affection towards me, which I heartily wish it lay in my power to
requite as she deserves, instead of being the innocent, but unhappy instrument
of her disgrace, as I have too much reason to fear.

It now began to be known and talked of in the neighbourhood, that my master had
found a strange animal in the field, about the bigness of a splacnuck, but
exactly shaped in every part like a human creature; which it likewise imitated
in all its actions; seemed to speak in a little language of its own, had
already learned several words of theirs, went erect upon two legs, was tame and
gentle, would come when it was called, do whatever it was bid, had the finest
limbs in the world, and a complexion fairer than a nobleman's daughter of three
years old. Another farmer, who lived hard by, and was a particular friend of my
master, came on a visit on purpose to inquire into the truth of this story. I
was immediately produced, and placed upon a table, where I walked as I was
commanded, drew my hanger, put it up again, made my reverence to my master's
guest, asked him in his own language how he did, and told him HE WAS WELCOME,
just as my little nurse had instructed me. This man, who was old and
dim-sighted, put on his spectacles to behold me better; at which I could not
forbear laughing very heartily, for his eyes appeared like the full moon
shining into a chamber at two windows. Our people, who discovered the cause of
my mirth, bore me company in laughing, at which the old fellow was fool enough
to be angry and out of countenance. He had the character of a great miser; and,
to my misfortune, he well deserved it, by the cursed advice he gave my master,
to show me as a sight upon a market-day in the next town, which was half an
hour's riding, about two-and-twenty miles from our house. I guessed there was
some mischief when I observed my master and his friend whispering together,
sometimes pointing at me; and my fears made me fancy that I overheard and
understood some of their words. But the next morning Glumdalclitch, my little
nurse, told me the whole matter, which she had cunningly picked out from her
mother. The poor girl laid me on her bosom, and fell a weeping with shame and
grief. She apprehended some mischief would happen to me from rude vulgar folks,
who might squeeze me to death, or break one of my limbs by taking me in their
hands. She had also observed how modest I was in my nature, how nicely I
regarded my honour, and what an indignity I should conceive it, to be exposed
for money as a public spectacle, to the meanest of the people. She said, her
papa and mamma had promised that Grildrig should be hers; but now she found
they meant to serve her as they did last year, when they pretended to give her
a lamb, and yet, as soon as it was fat, sold it to a butcher. For my own part,
I may truly affirm, that I was less concerned than my nurse. I had a strong
hope, which never left me, that I should one day recover my liberty: and as to
the ignominy of being carried about for a monster, I considered myself to be a
perfect stranger in the country, and that such a misfortune could never be
charged upon me as a reproach, if ever I should return to England, since the
king of Great Britain himself, in my condition, must have undergone the same
distress.

My master, pursuant to the advice of his friend, carried me in a box the next
market-day to the neighbouring town, and took along with him his little
daughter, my nurse, upon a pillion behind him. The box was close on every side,
with a little door for me to go in and out, and a few gimlet holes to let in
air. The girl had been so careful as to put the quilt of her baby's bed into
it, for me to lie down on. However, I was terribly shaken and discomposed in
this journey, though it was but of half an hour: for the horse went about forty
feet at every step and trotted so high, that the agitation was equal to the
rising and falling of a ship in a great storm, but much more frequent. Our
journey was somewhat farther than from London to St. Alban's. My master
alighted at an inn which he used to frequent; and after consulting awhile with
the inn-keeper, and making some necessary preparations, he hired the grultrud,
or crier, to give notice through the town of a strange creature to be seen at
the sign of the Green Eagle, not so big as a splacnuck (an animal in that
country very finely shaped, about six feet long,) and in every part of the body
resembling a human creature, could speak several words, and perform a hundred
diverting tricks.

I was placed upon a table in the largest room of the inn, which might be near
three hundred feet square. My little nurse stood on a low stool close to the
table, to take care of me, and direct what I should do. My master, to avoid a
crowd, would suffer only thirty people at a time to see me. I walked about on
the table as the girl commanded; she asked me questions, as far as she knew my
understanding of the language reached, and I answered them as loud as I could.
I turned about several times to the company, paid my humble respects, said THEY
WERE WELCOME, and used some other speeches I had been taught. I took up a
thimble filled with liquor, which Glumdalclitch had given me for a cup, and
drank their health, I drew out my hanger, and flourished with it after the
manner of fencers in England. My nurse gave me a part of a straw, which I
exercised as a pike, having learnt the art in my youth. I was that day shown to
twelve sets of company, and as often forced to act over again the same
fopperies, till I was half dead with weariness and vexation; for those who had
seen me made such wonderful reports, that the people were ready to break down
the doors to come in. My master, for his own interest, would not suffer any one
to touch me except my nurse; and to prevent danger, benches were set round the
table at such a distance as to put me out of every body's reach. However, an
unlucky school-boy aimed a hazel nut directly at my head, which very narrowly
missed me; otherwise it came with so much violence, that it would have
infallibly knocked out my brains, for it was almost as large as a small
pumpkin, but I had the satisfaction to see the young rogue well beaten, and
turned out of the room.

My master gave public notice that he would show me again the next market-day;
and in the meantime he prepared a convenient vehicle for me, which he had
reason enough to do; for I was so tired with my first journey, and with
entertaining company for eight hours together, that I could hardly stand upon
my legs, or speak a word. It was at least three days before I recovered my
strength; and that I might have no rest at home, all the neighbouring gentlemen
from a hundred miles round, hearing of my fame, came to see me at my master's
own house. There could not be fewer than thirty persons with their wives and
children (for the country is very populous;) and my master demanded the rate of
a full room whenever he showed me at home, although it were only to a single
family; so that for some time I had but little ease every day of the week
(except Wednesday, which is their Sabbath,) although I were not carried to the
town.

My master, finding how profitable I was likely to be, resolved to carry me to
the most considerable cities of the kingdom. Having therefore provided himself
with all things necessary for a long journey, and settled his affairs at home,
he took leave of his wife, and upon the 17th of August, 1703, about two months
after my arrival, we set out for the metropolis, situate near the middle of
that empire, and about three thousand miles distance from our house. My master
made his daughter Glumdalclitch ride behind him. She carried me on her lap, in
a box tied about her waist. The girl had lined it on all sides with the softest
cloth she could get, well quilted underneath, furnished it with her baby's bed,
provided me with linen and other necessaries, and made everything as convenient
as she could. We had no other company but a boy of the house, who rode after us
with the luggage.

My master's design was to show me in all the towns by the way, and to step out
of the road for fifty or a hundred miles, to any village, or person of
quality's house, where he might expect custom. We made easy journeys, of not
above seven or eight score miles a-day; for Glumdalclitch, on purpose to spare
me, complained she was tired with the trotting of the horse. She often took me
out of my box, at my own desire, to give me air, and show me the country, but
always held me fast by a leading-string. We passed over five or six rivers,
many degrees broader and deeper than the Nile or the Ganges: and there was
hardly a rivulet so small as the Thames at London-bridge. We were ten weeks in
our journey, and I was shown in eighteen large towns, besides many villages,
and private families.

On the 26th day of October we arrived at the metropolis, called in their
language Lorbrulgrud, or Pride of the Universe. My master took a lodging in the
principal street of the city, not far from the royal palace, and put out bills
in the usual form, containing an exact description of my person and parts. He
hired a large room between three and four hundred feet wide. He provided a
table sixty feet in diameter, upon which I was to act my part, and pallisadoed
it round three feet from the edge, and as many high, to prevent my falling
over. I was shown ten times a-day, to the wonder and satisfaction of all
people. I could now speak the language tolerably well, and perfectly understood
every word, that was spoken to me. Besides, I had learnt their alphabet, and
could make a shift to explain a sentence here and there; for Glumdalclitch had
been my instructor while we were at home, and at leisure hours during our
journey. She carried a little book in her pocket, not much larger than a
Sanson's Atlas; it was a common treatise for the use of young girls, giving a
short account of their religion: out of this she taught me my letters, and
interpreted the words.

CHAPTER III.

[The author sent for to court. The queen buys him of his master the farmer, and
presents him to the king. He disputes with his majesty's great scholars. An
apartment at court provided for the author. He is in high favour with the
queen. He stands up for the honour of his own country. His quarrels with the
queen's dwarf.]

The frequent labours I underwent every day, made, in a few weeks, a very
considerable change in my health: the more my master got by me, the more
insatiable he grew. I had quite lost my stomach, and was almost reduced to a
skeleton. The farmer observed it, and concluding I must soon die, resolved to
make as good a hand of me as he could. While he was thus reasoning and
resolving with himself, a sardral, or gentleman-usher, came from court,
commanding my master to carry me immediately thither for the diversion of the
queen and her ladies. Some of the latter had already been to see me, and
reported strange things of my beauty, behaviour, and good sense. Her majesty,
and those who attended her, were beyond measure delighted with my demeanour. I
fell on my knees, and begged the honour of kissing her imperial foot; but this
gracious princess held out her little finger towards me, after I was set on the
table, which I embraced in both my arms, and put the tip of it with the utmost
respect to my lip. She made me some general questions about my country and my
travels, which I answered as distinctly, and in as few words as I could. She
asked, "whether I could be content to live at court?" I bowed down to the board
of the table, and humbly answered "that I was my master's slave: but, if I were
at my own disposal, I should be proud to devote my life to her majesty's
service." She then asked my master, "whether he was willing to sell me at a
good price?" He, who apprehended I could not live a month, was ready enough to
part with me, and demanded a thousand pieces of gold, which were ordered him on
the spot, each piece being about the bigness of eight hundred moidores; but
allowing for the proportion of all things between that country and Europe, and
the high price of gold among them, was hardly so great a sum as a thousand
guineas would be in England. I then said to the queen, "since I was now her
majesty's most humble creature and vassal, I must beg the favour, that
Glumdalclitch, who had always tended me with so much care and kindness, and
understood to do it so well, might be admitted into her service, and continue
to be my nurse and instructor."

Her majesty agreed to my petition, and easily got the farmer's consent, who was
glad enough to have his daughter preferred at court, and the poor girl herself
was not able to hide her joy. My late master withdrew, bidding me farewell, and
saying he had left me in a good service; to which I replied not a word, only
making him a slight bow.

The queen observed my coldness; and, when the farmer was gone out of the
apartment, asked me the reason. I made bold to tell her majesty, "that I owed
no other obligation to my late master, than his not dashing out the brains of a
poor harmless creature, found by chance in his fields: which obligation was
amply recompensed, by the gain he had made in showing me through half the
kingdom, and the price he had now sold me for. That the life I had since led
was laborious enough to kill an animal of ten times my strength. That my health
was much impaired, by the continual drudgery of entertaining the rabble every
hour of the day; and that, if my master had not thought my life in danger, her
majesty would not have got so cheap a bargain. But as I was out of all fear of
being ill-treated under the protection of so great and good an empress, the
ornament of nature, the darling of the world, the delight of her subjects, the
phoenix of the creation, so I hoped my late master's apprehensions would appear
to be groundless; for I already found my spirits revive, by the influence of
her most august presence."

This was the sum of my speech, delivered with great improprieties and
hesitation. The latter part was altogether framed in the style peculiar to that
people, whereof I learned some phrases from Glumdalclitch, while she was
carrying me to court.

The queen, giving great allowance for my defectiveness in speaking, was,
however, surprised at so much wit and good sense in so diminutive an animal.
She took me in her own hand, and carried me to the king, who was then retired
to his cabinet. His majesty, a prince of much gravity and austere countenance,
not well observing my shape at first view, asked the queen after a cold manner
"how long it was since she grew fond of a splacnuck?" for such it seems he took
me to be, as I lay upon my breast in her majesty's right hand. But this
princess, who has an infinite deal of wit and humour, set me gently on my feet
upon the scrutoire, and commanded me to give his majesty an account of myself,
which I did in a very few words: and Glumdalclitch who attended at the cabinet
door, and could not endure I should be out of her sight, being admitted,
confirmed all that had passed from my arrival at her father's house.

The king, although he be as learned a person as any in his dominions, had been
educated in the study of philosophy, and particularly mathematics; yet when he
observed my shape exactly, and saw me walk erect, before I began to speak,
conceived I might be a piece of clock-work (which is in that country arrived to
a very great perfection) contrived by some ingenious artist. But when he heard
my voice, and found what I delivered to be regular and rational, he could not
conceal his astonishment. He was by no means satisfied with the relation I gave
him of the manner I came into his kingdom, but thought it a story concerted
between Glumdalclitch and her father, who had taught me a set of words to make
me sell at a better price. Upon this imagination, he put several other
questions to me, and still received rational answers: no otherwise defective
than by a foreign accent, and an imperfect knowledge in the language, with some
rustic phrases which I had learned at the farmer's house, and did not suit the
polite style of a court.

His majesty sent for three great scholars, who were then in their weekly
waiting, according to the custom in that country. These gentlemen, after they
had a while examined my shape with much nicety, were of different opinions
concerning me. They all agreed that I could not be produced according to the
regular laws of nature, because I was not framed with a capacity of preserving
my life, either by swiftness, or climbing of trees, or digging holes in the
earth. They observed by my teeth, which they viewed with great exactness, that
I was a carnivorous animal; yet most quadrupeds being an overmatch for me, and
field mice, with some others, too nimble, they could not imagine how I should
be able to support myself, unless I fed upon snails and other insects, which
they offered, by many learned arguments, to evince that I could not possibly
do. One of these virtuosi seemed to think that I might be an embryo, or
abortive birth. But this opinion was rejected by the other two, who observed my
limbs to be perfect and finished; and that I had lived several years, as it was
manifest from my beard, the stumps whereof they plainly discovered through a
magnifying glass. They would not allow me to be a dwarf, because my littleness
was beyond all degrees of comparison; for the queen's favourite dwarf, the
smallest ever known in that kingdom, was near thirty feet high. After much
debate, they concluded unanimously, that I was only relplum scalcath, which is
interpreted literally lusus naturae; a determination exactly agreeable to the
modern philosophy of Europe, whose professors, disdaining the old evasion of
occult causes, whereby the followers of Aristotle endeavoured in vain to
disguise their ignorance, have invented this wonderful solution of all
difficulties, to the unspeakable advancement of human knowledge.

After this decisive conclusion, I entreated to be heard a word or two. I
applied myself to the king, and assured his majesty, "that I came from a
country which abounded with several millions of both sexes, and of my own
stature; where the animals, trees, and houses, were all in proportion, and
where, by consequence, I might be as able to defend myself, and to find
sustenance, as any of his majesty's subjects could do here; which I took for a
full answer to those gentlemen's arguments." To this they only replied with a
smile of contempt, saying, "that the farmer had instructed me very well in my
lesson." The king, who had a much better understanding, dismissing his learned
men, sent for the farmer, who by good fortune was not yet gone out of town.
Having therefore first examined him privately, and then confronted him with me
and the young girl, his majesty began to think that what we told him might
possibly be true. He desired the queen to order that a particular care should
be taken of me; and was of opinion that Glumdalclitch should still continue in
her office of tending me, because he observed we had a great affection for each
other. A convenient apartment was provided for her at court: she had a sort of
governess appointed to take care of her education, a maid to dress her, and two
other servants for menial offices; but the care of me was wholly appropriated
to herself. The queen commanded her own cabinet-maker to contrive a box, that
might serve me for a bedchamber, after the model that Glumdalclitch and I
should agree upon. This man was a most ingenious artist, and according to my
direction, in three weeks finished for me a wooden chamber of sixteen feet
square, and twelve high, with sash-windows, a door, and two closets, like a
London bed-chamber. The board, that made the ceiling, was to be lifted up and
down by two hinges, to put in a bed ready furnished by her majesty's
upholsterer, which Glumdalclitch took out every day to air, made it with her
own hands, and letting it down at night, locked up the roof over me. A nice
workman, who was famous for little curiosities, undertook to make me two
chairs, with backs and frames, of a substance not unlike ivory, and two tables,
with a cabinet to put my things in. The room was quilted on all sides, as well
as the floor and the ceiling, to prevent any accident from the carelessness of
those who carried me, and to break the force of a jolt, when I went in a coach.
I desired a lock for my door, to prevent rats and mice from coming in. The
smith, after several attempts, made the smallest that ever was seen among them,
for I have known a larger at the gate of a gentleman's house in England. I made
a shift to keep the key in a pocket of my own, fearing Glumdalclitch might lose
it. The queen likewise ordered the thinnest silks that could be gotten, to make
me clothes, not much thicker than an English blanket, very cumbersome till I
was accustomed to them. They were after the fashion of the kingdom, partly
resembling the Persian, and partly the Chinese, and are a very grave and decent
habit.

The queen became so fond of my company, that she could not dine without me. I
had a table placed upon the same at which her majesty ate, just at her left
elbow, and a chair to sit on. Glumdalclitch stood on a stool on the floor near
my table, to assist and take care of me. I had an entire set of silver dishes
and plates, and other necessaries, which, in proportion to those of the queen,
were not much bigger than what I have seen in a London toy-shop for the
furniture of a baby-house: these my little nurse kept in her pocket in a silver
box, and gave me at meals as I wanted them, always cleaning them herself. No
person dined with the queen but the two princesses royal, the eldest sixteen
years old, and the younger at that time thirteen and a month. Her majesty used
to put a bit of meat upon one of my dishes, out of which I carved for myself,
and her diversion was to see me eat in miniature: for the queen (who had indeed
but a weak stomach) took up, at one mouthful, as much as a dozen English
farmers could eat at a meal, which to me was for some time a very nauseous
sight. She would craunch the wing of a lark, bones and all, between her teeth,
although it were nine times as large as that of a full-grown turkey; and put a
bit of bread into her mouth as big as two twelve- penny loaves. She drank out
of a golden cup, above a hogshead at a draught. Her knives were twice as long
as a scythe, set straight upon the handle. The spoons, forks, and other
instruments, were all in the same proportion. I remember when Glumdalclitch
carried me, out of curiosity, to see some of the tables at court, where ten or
a dozen of those enormous knives and forks were lifted up together, I thought I
had never till then beheld so terrible a sight.

It is the custom, that every Wednesday (which, as I have observed, is their
Sabbath) the king and queen, with the royal issue of both sexes, dine together
in the apartment of his majesty, to whom I was now become a great favourite;
and at these times, my little chair and table were placed at his left hand,
before one of the salt- cellars. This prince took a pleasure in conversing with
me, inquiring into the manners, religion, laws, government, and learning of
Europe; wherein I gave him the best account I was able. His apprehension was so
clear, and his judgment so exact, that he made very wise reflections and
observations upon all I said. But I confess, that, after I had been a little
too copious in talking of my own beloved country, of our trade and wars by sea
and land, of our schisms in religion, and parties in the state; the prejudices
of his education prevailed so far, that he could not forbear taking me up in
his right hand, and stroking me gently with the other, after a hearty fit of
laughing, asked me, "whether I was a whig or tory?" Then turning to his first
minister, who waited behind him with a white staff, near as tall as the
mainmast of the Royal Sovereign, he observed "how contemptible a thing was
human grandeur, which could be mimicked by such diminutive insects as I: and
yet," says he, "I dare engage these creatures have their titles and
distinctions of honour; they contrive little nests and burrows, that they call
houses and cities; they make a figure in dress and equipage; they love, they
fight, they dispute, they cheat, they betray!" And thus he continued on, while
my colour came and went several times, with indignation, to hear our noble
country, the mistress of arts and arms, the scourge of France, the arbitress of
Europe, the seat of virtue, piety, honour, and truth, the pride and envy of the
world, so contemptuously treated.

But as I was not in a condition to resent injuries, so upon mature thoughts I
began to doubt whether I was injured or no. For, after having been accustomed
several months to the sight and converse of this people, and observed every
object upon which I cast mine eyes to be of proportionable magnitude, the
horror I had at first conceived from their bulk and aspect was so far worn off,
that if I had then beheld a company of English lords and ladies in their finery
and birth-day clothes, acting their several parts in the most courtly manner of
strutting, and bowing, and prating, to say the truth, I should have been
strongly tempted to laugh as much at them as the king and his grandees did at
me. Neither, indeed, could I forbear smiling at myself, when the queen used to
place me upon her hand towards a looking-glass, by which both our persons
appeared before me in full view together; and there could be nothing more
ridiculous than the comparison; so that I really began to imagine myself
dwindled many degrees below my usual size.

Nothing angered and mortified me so much as the queen's dwarf; who being of the
lowest stature that was ever in that country (for I verily think he was not
full thirty feet high), became so insolent at seeing a creature so much beneath
him, that he would always affect to swagger and look big as he passed by me in
the queen's antechamber, while I was standing on some table talking with the
lords or ladies of the court, and he seldom failed of a smart word or two upon
my littleness; against which I could only revenge myself by calling him
brother, challenging him to wrestle, and such repartees as are usually in the
mouths of court pages. One day, at dinner, this malicious little cub was so
nettled with something I had said to him, that, raising himself upon the frame
of her majesty's chair, he took me up by the middle, as I was sitting down, not
thinking any harm, and let me drop into a large silver bowl of cream, and then
ran away as fast as he could. I fell over head and ears, and, if I had not been
a good swimmer, it might have gone very hard with me; for Glumdalclitch in that
instant happened to be at the other end of the room, and the queen was in such
a fright, that she wanted presence of mind to assist me. But my little nurse
ran to my relief, and took me out, after I had swallowed above a quart of
cream. I was put to bed: however, I received no other damage than the loss of a
suit of clothes, which was utterly spoiled. The dwarf was soundly whipt, and as
a farther punishment, forced to drink up the bowl of cream into which he had
thrown me: neither was he ever restored to favour; for soon after the queen
bestowed him on a lady of high quality, so that I saw him no more, to my very
great satisfaction; for I could not tell to what extremities such a malicious
urchin might have carried his resentment.

He had before served me a scurvy trick, which set the queen a-laughing,
although at the same time she was heartily vexed, and would have immediately
cashiered him, if I had not been so generous as to intercede. Her majesty had
taken a marrow-bone upon her plate, and, after knocking out the marrow, placed
the bone again in the dish erect, as it stood before; the dwarf, watching his
opportunity, while Glumdalclitch was gone to the side-board, mounted the stool
that she stood on to take care of me at meals, took me up in both hands, and
squeezing my legs together, wedged them into the marrow bone above my waist,
where I stuck for some time, and made a very ridiculous figure. I believe it
was near a minute before any one knew what was become of me; for I thought it
below me to cry out. But, as princes seldom get their meat hot, my legs were
not scalded, only my stockings and breeches in a sad condition. The dwarf, at
my entreaty, had no other punishment than a sound whipping.

I was frequently rallied by the queen upon account of my fearfulness; and she
used to ask me whether the people of my country were as great cowards as
myself? The occasion was this: the kingdom is much pestered with flies in
summer; and these odious insects, each of them as big as a Dunstable lark,
hardly gave me any rest while I sat at dinner, with their continual humming and
buzzing about mine ears. They would sometimes alight upon my victuals, and
leave their loathsome excrement, or spawn behind, which to me was very visible,
though not to the natives of that country, whose large optics were not so acute
as mine, in viewing smaller objects. Sometimes they would fix upon my nose, or
forehead, where they stung me to the quick, smelling very offensively; and I
could easily trace that viscous matter, which, our naturalists tell us, enables
those creatures to walk with their feet upwards upon a ceiling. I had much ado
to defend myself against these detestable animals, and could not forbear
starting when they came on my face. It was the common practice of the dwarf, to
catch a number of these insects in his hand, as schoolboys do among us, and let
them out suddenly under my nose, on purpose to frighten me, and divert the
queen. My remedy was to cut them in pieces with my knife, as they flew in the
air, wherein my dexterity was much admired.

I remember, one morning, when Glumdalclitch had set me in a box upon a window,
as she usually did in fair days to give me air (for I durst not venture to let
the box be hung on a nail out of the window, as we do with cages in England),
after I had lifted up one of my sashes, and sat down at my table to eat a piece
of sweet cake for my breakfast, above twenty wasps, allured by the smell, came
flying into the room, humming louder than the drones of as many bagpipes. Some
of them seized my cake, and carried it piecemeal away; others flew about my
head and face, confounding me with the noise, and putting me in the utmost
terror of their stings. However, I had the courage to rise and draw my hanger,
and attack them in the air. I dispatched four of them, but the rest got away,
and I presently shut my window. These insects were as large as partridges: I
took out their stings, found them an inch and a half long, and as sharp as
needles. I carefully preserved them all; and having since shown them, with some
other curiosities, in several parts of Europe, upon my return to England I gave
three of them to Gresham College, and kept the fourth for myself.

CHAPTER IV.

[The country described. A proposal for correcting modern maps. The king's
palace; and some account of the metropolis. The author's way of travelling. The
chief temple described.]

I now intend to give the reader a short description of this country, as far as
I travelled in it, which was not above two thousand miles round Lorbrulgrud,
the metropolis. For the queen, whom I always attended, never went farther when
she accompanied the king in his progresses, and there staid till his majesty
returned from viewing his frontiers. The whole extent of this prince's
dominions reaches about six thousand miles in length, and from three to five in
breadth: whence I cannot but conclude, that our geographers of Europe are in a
great error, by supposing nothing but sea between Japan and California; for it
was ever my opinion, that there must be a balance of earth to counterpoise the
great continent of Tartary; and therefore they ought to correct their maps and
charts, by joining this vast tract of land to the north- west parts of America,
wherein I shall be ready to lend them my assistance.

The kingdom is a peninsula, terminated to the north-east by a ridge of
mountains thirty miles high, which are altogether impassable, by reason of the
volcanoes upon the tops: neither do the most learned know what sort of mortals
inhabit beyond those mountains, or whether they be inhabited at all. On the
three other sides, it is bounded by the ocean. There is not one seaport in the
whole kingdom: and those parts of the coasts into which the rivers issue, are
so full of pointed rocks, and the sea generally so rough, that there is no
venturing with the smallest of their boats; so that these people are wholly
excluded from any commerce with the rest of the world. But the large rivers are
full of vessels, and abound with excellent fish; for they seldom get any from
the sea, because the sea fish are of the same size with those in Europe, and
consequently not worth catching; whereby it is manifest, that nature, in the
production of plants and animals of so extraordinary a bulk, is wholly confined
to this continent, of which I leave the reasons to be determined by
philosophers. However, now and then they take a whale that happens to be dashed
against the rocks, which the common people feed on heartily. These whales I
have known so large, that a man could hardly carry one upon his shoulders; and
sometimes, for curiosity, they are brought in hampers to Lorbrulgrud; I saw one
of them in a dish at the king's table, which passed for a rarity, but I did not
observe he was fond of it; for I think, indeed, the bigness disgusted him,
although I have seen one somewhat larger in Greenland.

The country is well inhabited, for it contains fifty-one cities, near a hundred
walled towns, and a great number of villages. To satisfy my curious reader, it
may be sufficient to describe Lorbrulgrud. This city stands upon almost two
equal parts, on each side the river that passes through. It contains above
eighty thousand houses, and about six hundred thousand inhabitants. It is in
length three glomglungs (which make about fifty-four English miles,) and two
and a half in breadth; as I measured it myself in the royal map made by the
king's order, which was laid on the ground on purpose for me, and extended a
hundred feet: I paced the diameter and circumference several times barefoot,
and, computing by the scale, measured it pretty exactly.

The king's palace is no regular edifice, but a heap of buildings, about seven
miles round: the chief rooms are generally two hundred and forty feet high, and
broad and long in proportion. A coach was allowed to Glumdalclitch and me,
wherein her governess frequently took her out to see the town, or go among the
shops; and I was always of the party, carried in my box; although the girl, at
my own desire, would often take me out, and hold me in her hand, that I might
more conveniently view the houses and the people, as we passed along the
streets. I reckoned our coach to be about a square of Westminster-hall, but not
altogether so high: however, I cannot be very exact. One day the governess
ordered our coachman to stop at several shops, where the beggars, watching
their opportunity, crowded to the sides of the coach, and gave me the most
horrible spectacle that ever a European eye beheld. There was a woman with a
cancer in her breast, swelled to a monstrous size, full of holes, in two or
three of which I could have easily crept, and covered my whole body. There was
a fellow with a wen in his neck, larger than five wool-packs; and another, with
a couple of wooden legs, each about twenty feet high. But the most hateful
sight of all, was the lice crawling on their clothes. I could see distinctly
the limbs of these vermin with my naked eye, much better than those of a
European louse through a microscope, and their snouts with which they rooted
like swine. They were the first I had ever beheld, and I should have been
curious enough to dissect one of them, if I had had proper instruments, which I
unluckily left behind me in the ship, although, indeed, the sight was so
nauseous, that it perfectly turned my stomach.

Besides the large box in which I was usually carried, the queen ordered a
smaller one to be made for me, of about twelve feet square, and ten high, for
the convenience of travelling; because the other was somewhat too large for
Glumdalclitch's lap, and cumbersome in the coach; it was made by the same
artist, whom I directed in the whole contrivance. This travelling-closet was an
exact square, with a window in the middle of three of the squares, and each
window was latticed with iron wire on the outside, to prevent accidents in long
journeys. On the fourth side, which had no window, two strong staples were
fixed, through which the person that carried me, when I had a mind to be on
horseback, put a leathern belt, and buckled it about his waist. This was always
the office of some grave trusty servant, in whom I could confide, whether I
attended the king and queen in their progresses, or were disposed to see the
gardens, or pay a visit to some great lady or minister of state in the court,
when Glumdalclitch happened to be out of order; for I soon began to be known
and esteemed among the greatest officers, I suppose more upon account of their
majesties' favour, than any merit of my own. In journeys, when I was weary of
the coach, a servant on horseback would buckle on my box, and place it upon a
cushion before him; and there I had a full prospect of the country on three
sides, from my three windows. I had, in this closet, a field-bed and a hammock,
hung from the ceiling, two chairs and a table, neatly screwed to the floor, to
prevent being tossed about by the agitation of the horse or the coach. And
having been long used to sea-voyages, those motions, although sometimes very
violent, did not much discompose me.

Whenever I had a mind to see the town, it was always in my travelling-closet;
which Glumdalclitch held in her lap in a kind of open sedan, after the fashion
of the country, borne by four men, and attended by two others in the queen's
livery. The people, who had often heard of me, were very curious to crowd about
the sedan, and the girl was complaisant enough to make the bearers stop, and to
take me in her hand, that I might be more conveniently seen.

I was very desirous to see the chief temple, and particularly the tower
belonging to it, which is reckoned the highest in the kingdom. Accordingly one
day my nurse carried me thither, but I may truly say I came back disappointed;
for the height is not above three thousand feet, reckoning from the ground to
the highest pinnacle top; which, allowing for the difference between the size
of those people and us in Europe, is no great matter for admiration, nor at all
equal in proportion (if I rightly remember) to Salisbury steeple. But, not to
detract from a nation, to which, during my life, I shall acknowledge myself
extremely obliged, it must be allowed, that whatever this famous tower wants in
height, is amply made up in beauty and strength: for the walls are near a
hundred feet thick, built of hewn stone, whereof each is about forty feet
square, and adorned on all sides with statues of gods and emperors, cut in
marble, larger than the life, placed in their several niches. I measured a
little finger which had fallen down from one of these statues, and lay
unperceived among some rubbish, and found it exactly four feet and an inch in
length. Glumdalclitch wrapped it up in her handkerchief, and carried it home in
her pocket, to keep among other trinkets, of which the girl was very fond, as
children at her age usually are.

The king's kitchen is indeed a noble building, vaulted at top, and about six
hundred feet high. The great oven is not so wide, by ten paces, as the cupola
at St. Paul's: for I measured the latter on purpose, after my return. But if I
should describe the kitchen grate, the prodigious pots and kettles, the joints
of meat turning on the spits, with many other particulars, perhaps I should be
hardly believed; at least a severe critic would be apt to think I enlarged a
little, as travellers are often suspected to do. To avoid which censure I fear
I have run too much into the other extreme; and that if this treatise should
happen to be translated into the language of Brobdingnag (which is the general
name of that kingdom,) and transmitted thither, the king and his people would
have reason to complain that I had done them an injury, by a false and
diminutive representation.

His majesty seldom keeps above six hundred horses in his stables: they are
generally from fifty-four to sixty feet high. But, when he goes abroad on
solemn days, he is attended, for state, by a military guard of five hundred
horse, which, indeed, I thought was the most splendid sight that could be ever
beheld, till I saw part of his army in battalia, whereof I shall find another
occasion to speak.

CHAPTER V.

[Several adventurers that happened to the author. The execution of a criminal.
The author shows his skill in navigation.]

I should have lived happy enough in that country, if my littleness had not
exposed me to several ridiculous and troublesome accidents; some of which I
shall venture to relate. Glumdalclitch often carried me into the gardens of the
court in my smaller box, and would sometimes take me out of it, and hold me in
her hand, or set me down to walk. I remember, before the dwarf left the queen,
he followed us one day into those gardens, and my nurse having set me down, he
and I being close together, near some dwarf apple trees, I must needs show my
wit, by a silly allusion between him and the trees, which happens to hold in
their language as it does in ours. Whereupon, the malicious rogue, watching his
opportunity, when I was walking under one of them, shook it directly over my
head, by which a dozen apples, each of them near as large as a Bristol barrel,
came tumbling about my ears; one of them hit me on the back as I chanced to
stoop, and knocked me down flat on my face; but I received no other hurt, and
the dwarf was pardoned at my desire, because I had given the provocation.

Another day, Glumdalclitch left me on a smooth grass-plot to divert myself,
while she walked at some distance with her governess. In the meantime, there
suddenly fell such a violent shower of hail, that I was immediately by the
force of it, struck to the ground: and when I was down, the hailstones gave me
such cruel bangs all over the body, as if I had been pelted with tennis-balls;
however, I made a shift to creep on all fours, and shelter myself, by lying
flat on my face, on the lee-side of a border of lemon-thyme, but so bruised
from head to foot, that I could not go abroad in ten days. Neither is this at
all to be wondered at, because nature, in that country, observing the same
proportion through all her operations, a hailstone is near eighteen hundred
times as large as one in Europe; which I can assert upon experience, having
been so curious as to weigh and measure them.

But a more dangerous accident happened to me in the same garden, when my little
nurse, believing she had put me in a secure place (which I often entreated her
to do, that I might enjoy my own thoughts,) and having left my box at home, to
avoid the trouble of carrying it, went to another part of the garden with her
governess and some ladies of her acquaintance. While she was absent, and out of
hearing, a small white spaniel that belonged to one of the chief gardeners,
having got by accident into the garden, happened to range near the place where
I lay: the dog, following the scent, came directly up, and taking me in his
mouth, ran straight to his master wagging his tail, and set me gently on the
ground. By good fortune he had been so well taught, that I was carried between
his teeth without the least hurt, or even tearing my clothes. But the poor
gardener, who knew me well, and had a great kindness for me, was in a terrible
fright: he gently took me up in both his hands, and asked me how I did? but I
was so amazed and out of breath, that I could not speak a word. In a few
minutes I came to myself, and he carried me safe to my little nurse, who, by
this time, had returned to the place where she left me, and was in cruel
agonies when I did not appear, nor answer when she called. She severely
reprimanded the gardener on account of his dog. But the thing was hushed up,
and never known at court, for the girl was afraid of the queen's anger; and
truly, as to myself, I thought it would not be for my reputation, that such a
story should go about.

This accident absolutely determined Glumdalclitch never to trust me abroad for
the future out of her sight. I had been long afraid of this resolution, and
therefore concealed from her some little unlucky adventures, that happened in
those times when I was left by myself. Once a kite, hovering over the garden,
made a stoop at me, and if I had not resolutely drawn my hanger, and run under
a thick espalier, he would have certainly carried me away in his talons.
Another time, walking to the top of a fresh mole-hill, I fell to my neck in the
hole, through which that animal had cast up the earth, and coined some lie, not
worth remembering, to excuse myself for spoiling my clothes. I likewise broke
my right shin against the shell of a snail, which I happened to stumble over,
as I was walking alone and thinking on poor England.

I cannot tell whether I were more pleased or mortified to observe, in those
solitary walks, that the smaller birds did not appear to be at all afraid of
me, but would hop about within a yard's distance, looking for worms and other
food, with as much indifference and security as if no creature at all were near
them. I remember, a thrush had the confidence to snatch out of my hand, with
his bill, a of cake that Glumdalclitch had just given me for my breakfast. When
I attempted to catch any of these birds, they would boldly turn against me,
endeavouring to peck my fingers, which I durst not venture within their reach;
and then they would hop back unconcerned, to hunt for worms or snails, as they
did before. But one day, I took a thick cudgel, and threw it with all my
strength so luckily, at a linnet, that I knocked him down, and seizing him by
the neck with both my hands, ran with him in triumph to my nurse. However, the
bird, who had only been stunned, recovering himself gave me so many boxes with
his wings, on both sides of my head and body, though I held him at
arm's-length, and was out of the reach of his claws, that I was twenty times
thinking to let him go. But I was soon relieved by one of our servants, who
wrung off the bird's neck, and I had him next day for dinner, by the queen's
command. This linnet, as near as I can remember, seemed to be somewhat larger
than an English swan.

The maids of honour often invited Glumdalclitch to their apartments, and
desired she would bring me along with her, on purpose to have the pleasure of
seeing and touching me. They would often strip me naked from top to toe, and
lay me at full length in their bosoms; wherewith I was much disgusted because,
to say the truth, a very offensive smell came from their skins; which I do not
mention, or intend, to the disadvantage of those excellent ladies, for whom I
have all manner of respect; but I conceive that my sense was more acute in
proportion to my littleness, and that those illustrious persons were no more
disagreeable to their lovers, or to each other, than people of the same quality
are with us in England. And, after all, I found their natural smell was much
more supportable, than when they used perfumes, under which I immediately
swooned away. I cannot forget, that an intimate friend of mine in Lilliput,
took the freedom in a warm day, when I had used a good deal of exercise, to
complain of a strong smell about me, although I am as little faulty that way,
as most of my sex: but I suppose his faculty of smelling was as nice with
regard to me, as mine was to that of this people. Upon this point, I cannot
forbear doing justice to the queen my mistress, and Glumdalclitch my nurse,
whose persons were as sweet as those of any lady in England.

That which gave me most uneasiness among these maids of honour (when my nurse
carried me to visit then) was, to see them use me without any manner of
ceremony, like a creature who had no sort of consequence: for they would strip
themselves to the skin, and put on their smocks in my presence, while I was
placed on their toilet, directly before their naked bodies, which I am sure to
me was very far from being a tempting sight, or from giving me any other
emotions than those of horror and disgust: their skins appeared so coarse and
uneven, so variously coloured, when I saw them near, with a mole here and there
as broad as a trencher, and hairs hanging from it thicker than packthreads, to
say nothing farther concerning the rest of their persons. Neither did they at
all scruple, while I was by, to discharge what they had drank, to the quantity
of at least two hogsheads, in a vessel that held above three tuns. The
handsomest among these maids of honour, a pleasant, frolicsome girl of sixteen,
would sometimes set me astride upon one of her nipples, with many other tricks,
wherein the reader will excuse me for not being over particular. But I was so
much displeased, that I entreated Glumdalclitch to contrive some excuse for not
seeing that young lady any more.

One day, a young gentleman, who was nephew to my nurse's governess, came and
pressed them both to see an execution. It was of a man, who had murdered one of
that gentleman's intimate acquaintance. Glumdalclitch was prevailed on to be of
the company, very much against her inclination, for she was naturally
tender-hearted: and, as for myself, although I abhorred such kind of
spectacles, yet my curiosity tempted me to see something that I thought must be
extraordinary. The malefactor was fixed in a chair upon a scaffold erected for
that purpose, and his head cut off at one blow, with a sword of about forty
feet long. The veins and arteries spouted up such a prodigious quantity of
blood, and so high in the air, that the great jet d'eau at Versailles was not
equal to it for the time it lasted: and the head, when it fell on the scaffold
floor, gave such a bounce as made me start, although I was at least half an
English mile distant.

The queen, who often used to hear me talk of my sea-voyages, and took all
occasions to divert me when I was melancholy, asked me whether I understood how
to handle a sail or an oar, and whether a little exercise of rowing might not
be convenient for my health? I answered, that I understood both very well: for
although my proper employment had been to be surgeon or doctor to the ship, yet
often, upon a pinch, I was forced to work like a common mariner. But I could
not see how this could be done in their country, where the smallest wherry was
equal to a first-rate man of war among us; and such a boat as I could manage
would never live in any of their rivers. Her majesty said, if I would contrive
a boat, her own joiner should make it, and she would provide a place for me to
sail in. The fellow was an ingenious workman, and by my instructions, in ten
days, finished a pleasure-boat with all its tackling, able conveniently to hold
eight Europeans. When it was finished, the queen was so delighted, that she ran
with it in her lap to the king, who ordered it to be put into a cistern full of
water, with me in it, by way of trial, where I could not manage my two sculls,
or little oars, for want of room. But the queen had before contrived another
project. She ordered the joiner to make a wooden trough of three hundred feet
long, fifty broad, and eight deep; which, being well pitched, to prevent
leaking, was placed on the floor, along the wall, in an outer room of the
palace. It had a cock near the bottom to let out the water, when it began to
grow stale; and two servants could easily fill it in half an hour. Here I often
used to row for my own diversion, as well as that of the queen and her ladies,
who thought themselves well entertained with my skill and agility. Sometimes I
would put up my sail, and then my business was only to steer, while the ladies
gave me a gale with their fans; and, when they were weary, some of their pages
would blow my sail forward with their breath, while I showed my art by steering
starboard or larboard as I pleased. When I had done, Glumdalclitch always
carried back my boat into her closet, and hung it on a nail to dry.

In this exercise I once met an accident, which had like to have cost me my
life; for, one of the pages having put my boat into the trough, the governess
who attended Glumdalclitch very officiously lifted me up, to place me in the
boat: but I happened to slip through her fingers, and should infallibly have
fallen down forty feet upon the floor, if, by the luckiest chance in the world,
I had not been stopped by a corking-pin that stuck in the good gentlewoman's
stomacher; the head of the pin passing between my shirt and the waistband of my
breeches, and thus I was held by the middle in the air, till Glumdalclitch ran
to my relief.

Another time, one of the servants, whose office it was to fill my trough every
third day with fresh water, was so careless as to let a huge frog (not
perceiving it) slip out of his pail. The frog lay concealed till I was put into
my boat, but then, seeing a resting- place, climbed up, and made it lean so
much on one side, that I was forced to balance it with all my weight on the
other, to prevent overturning. When the frog was got in, it hopped at once half
the length of the boat, and then over my head, backward and forward, daubing my
face and clothes with its odious slime. The largeness of its features made it
appear the most deformed animal that can be conceived. However, I desired
Glumdalclitch to let me deal with it alone. I banged it a good while with one
of my sculls, and at last forced it to leap out of the boat.

But the greatest danger I ever underwent in that kingdom, was from a monkey,
who belonged to one of the clerks of the kitchen. Glumdalclitch had locked me
up in her closet, while she went somewhere upon business, or a visit. The
weather being very warm, the closet-window was left open, as well as the
windows and the door of my bigger box, in which I usually lived, because of its
largeness and conveniency. As I sat quietly meditating at my table, I heard
something bounce in at the closet-window, and skip about from one side to the
other: whereat, although I was much alarmed, yet I ventured to look out, but
not stirring from my seat; and then I saw this frolicsome animal frisking and
leaping up and down, till at last he came to my box, which he seemed to view
with great pleasure and curiosity, peeping in at the door and every window. I
retreated to the farther corner of my room; or box; but the monkey looking in
at every side, put me in such a fright, that I wanted presence of mind to
conceal myself under the bed, as I might easily have done. After some time
spent in peeping, grinning, and chattering, he at last espied me; and reaching
one of his paws in at the door, as a cat does when she plays with a mouse,
although I often shifted place to avoid him, he at length seized the lappet of
my coat (which being made of that country silk, was very thick and strong), and
dragged me out. He took me up in his right fore-foot and held me as a nurse
does a child she is going to suckle, just as I have seen the same sort of
creature do with a kitten in Europe; and when I offered to struggle he squeezed
me so hard, that I thought it more prudent to submit. I have good reason to
believe, that he took me for a young one of his own species, by his often
stroking my face very gently with his other paw. In these diversions he was
interrupted by a noise at the closet door, as if somebody were opening it:
whereupon he suddenly leaped up to the window at which he had come in, and
thence upon the leads and gutters, walking upon three legs, and holding me in
the fourth, till he clambered up to a roof that was next to ours. I heard
Glumdalclitch give a shriek at the moment he was carrying me out. The poor girl
was almost distracted: that quarter of the palace was all in an uproar; the
servants ran for ladders; the monkey was seen by hundreds in the court, sitting
upon the ridge of a building, holding me like a baby in one of his forepaws,
and feeding me with the other, by cramming into my mouth some victuals he had
squeezed out of the bag on one side of his chaps, and patting me when I would
not eat; whereat many of the rabble below could not forbear laughing; neither
do I think they justly ought to be blamed, for, without question, the sight was
ridiculous enough to every body but myself. Some of the people threw up stones,
hoping to drive the monkey down; but this was strictly forbidden, or else, very
probably, my brains had been dashed out.

The ladders were now applied, and mounted by several men; which the monkey
observing, and finding himself almost encompassed, not being able to make speed
enough with his three legs, let me drop on a ridge tile, and made his escape.
Here I sat for some time, five hundred yards from the ground, expecting every
moment to be blown down by the wind, or to fall by my own giddiness, and come
tumbling over and over from the ridge to the eaves; but an honest lad, one of
my nurse's footmen, climbed up, and putting me into his breeches pocket,
brought me down safe.

I was almost choked with the filthy stuff the monkey had crammed down my
throat: but my dear little nurse picked it out of my mouth with a small needle,
and then I fell a-vomiting, which gave me great relief. Yet I was so weak and
bruised in the sides with the squeezes given me by this odious animal, that I
was forced to keep my bed a fortnight. The king, queen, and all the court, sent
every day to inquire after my health; and her majesty made me several visits
during my sickness. The monkey was killed, and an order made, that no such
animal should be kept about the palace.

When I attended the king after my recovery, to return him thanks for his
favours, he was pleased to rally me a good deal upon this adventure. He asked
me, "what my thoughts and speculations were, while I lay in the monkey's paw;
how I liked the victuals he gave me; his manner of feeding; and whether the
fresh air on the roof had sharpened my stomach." He desired to know, "what I
would have done upon such an occasion in my own country." I told his majesty,
"that in Europe we had no monkeys, except such as were brought for curiosity
from other places, and so small, that I could deal with a dozen of them
together, if they presumed to attack me. And as for that monstrous animal with
whom I was so lately engaged (it was indeed as large as an elephant), if my
fears had suffered me to think so far as to make use of my hanger," (looking
fiercely, and clapping my hand on the hilt, as I spoke) "when he poked his paw
into my chamber, perhaps I should have given him such a wound, as would have
made him glad to withdraw it with more haste than he put it in." This I
delivered in a firm tone, like a person who was jealous lest his courage should
be called in question. However, my speech produced nothing else beside a laud
laughter, which all the respect due to his majesty from those about him could
not make them contain. This made me reflect, how vain an attempt it is for a
man to endeavour to do himself honour among those who are out of all degree of
equality or comparison with him. And yet I have seen the moral of my own
behaviour very frequent in England since my return; where a little contemptible
varlet, without the least title to birth, person, wit, or common sense, shall
presume to look with importance, and put himself upon a foot with the greatest
persons of the kingdom.

I was every day furnishing the court with some ridiculous story: and
Glumdalclitch, although she loved me to excess, yet was arch enough to inform
the queen, whenever I committed any folly that she thought would be diverting
to her majesty. The girl, who had been out of order, was carried by her
governess to take the air about an hour's distance, or thirty miles from town.
They alighted out of the coach near a small foot-path in a field, and
Glumdalclitch setting down my travelling box, I went out of it to walk. There
was a cow-dung in the path, and I must need try my activity by attempting to
leap over it. I took a run, but unfortunately jumped short, and found myself
just in the middle up to my knees. I waded through with some difficulty, and
one of the footmen wiped me as clean as he could with his handkerchief, for I
was filthily bemired; and my nurse confined me to my box, till we returned
home; where the queen was soon informed of what had passed, and the footmen
spread it about the court: so that all the mirth for some days was at my
expense.

CHAPTER VI.

[Several contrivances of the author to please the king and queen. He shows his
skill in music. The king inquires into the state of England, which the author
relates to him. The king's observations thereon.]

I used to attend the king's levee once or twice a week, and had often seen him
under the barber's hand, which indeed was at first very terrible to behold; for
the razor was almost twice as long as an ordinary scythe. His majesty,
according to the custom of the country, was only shaved twice a-week. I once
prevailed on the barber to give me some of the suds or lather, out of which I
picked forty or fifty of the strongest stumps of hair. I then took a piece of
fine wood, and cut it like the back of a comb, making several holes in it at
equal distances with as small a needle as I could get from Glumdalclitch. I
fixed in the stumps so artificially, scraping and sloping them with my knife
toward the points, that I made a very tolerable comb; which was a seasonable
supply, my own being so much broken in the teeth, that it was almost useless:
neither did I know any artist in that country so nice and exact, as would
undertake to make me another.

And this puts me in mind of an amusement, wherein I spent many of my leisure
hours. I desired the queen's woman to save for me the combings of her majesty's
hair, whereof in time I got a good quantity; and consulting with my friend the
cabinet-maker, who had received general orders to do little jobs for me, I
directed him to make two chair-frames, no larger than those I had in my box,
and to bore little holes with a fine awl, round those parts where I designed
the backs and seats; through these holes I wove the strongest hairs I could
pick out, just after the manner of cane chairs in England. When they were
finished, I made a present of them to her majesty; who kept them in her
cabinet, and used to show them for curiosities, as indeed they were the wonder
of every one that beheld them. The queen would have me sit upon one of these
chairs, but I absolutely refused to obey her, protesting I would rather die
than place a dishonourable part of my body on those precious hairs, that once
adorned her majesty's head. Of these hairs (as I had always a mechanical
genius) I likewise made a neat little purse, about five feet long, with her
majesty's name deciphered in gold letters, which I gave to Glumdalclitch, by
the queen's consent. To say the truth, it was more for show than use, being not
of strength to bear the weight of the larger coins, and therefore she kept
nothing in it but some little toys that girls are fond of.

The king, who delighted in music, had frequent concerts at court, to which I
was sometimes carried, and set in my box on a table to hear them: but the noise
was so great that I could hardly distinguish the tunes. I am confident that all
the drums and trumpets of a royal army, beating and sounding together just at
your ears, could not equal it. My practice was to have my box removed from the
place where the performers sat, as far as I could, then to shut the doors and
windows of it, and draw the window curtains; after which I found their music
not disagreeable.

I had learned in my youth to play a little upon the spinet. Glumdalclitch kept
one in her chamber, and a master attended twice a-week to teach her: I called
it a spinet, because it somewhat resembled that instrument, and was played upon
in the same manner. A fancy came into my head, that I would entertain the king
and queen with an English tune upon this instrument. But this appeared
extremely difficult: for the spinet was near sixty feet long, each key being
almost a foot wide, so that with my arms extended I could not reach to above
five keys, and to press them down required a good smart stroke with my fist,
which would be too great a labour, and to no purpose. The method I contrived
was this: I prepared two round sticks, about the bigness of common cudgels;
they were thicker at one end than the other, and I covered the thicker ends
with pieces of a mouse's skin, that by rapping on them I might neither damage
the tops of the keys nor interrupt the sound. Before the spinet a bench was
placed, about four feet below the keys, and I was put upon the bench. I ran
sideling upon it, that way and this, as fast as I could, banging the proper
keys with my two sticks, and made a shift to play a jig, to the great
satisfaction of both their majesties; but it was the most violent exercise I
ever underwent; and yet I could not strike above sixteen keys, nor consequently
play the bass and treble together, as other artists do; which was a great
disadvantage to my performance.

The king, who, as I before observed, was a prince of excellent understanding,
would frequently order that I should be brought in my box, and set upon the
table in his closet: he would then command me to bring one of my chairs out of
the box, and sit down within three yards distance upon the top of the cabinet,
which brought me almost to a level with his face. In this manner I had several
conversations with him. I one day took the freedom to tell his majesty, "that
the contempt he discovered towards Europe, and the rest of the world, did not
seem answerable to those excellent qualities of mind that he was master of;
that reason did not extend itself with the bulk of the body; on the contrary,
we observed in our country, that the tallest persons were usually the least
provided with it; that among other animals, bees and ants had the reputation of
more industry, art, and sagacity, than many of the larger kinds; and that, as
inconsiderable as he took me to be, I hoped I might live to do his majesty some
signal service." The king heard me with attention, and began to conceive a much
better opinion of me than he had ever before. He desired "I would give him as
exact an account of the government of England as I possibly could; because, as
fond as princes commonly are of their own customs (for so he conjectured of
other monarchs, by my former discourses), he should be glad to hear of any
thing that might deserve imitation."

Imagine with thyself, courteous reader, how often I then wished for the tongue
of Demosthenes or Cicero, that might have enabled me to celebrate the praise of
my own dear native country in a style equal to its merits and felicity.

I began my discourse by informing his majesty, that our dominions consisted of
two islands, which composed three mighty kingdoms, under one sovereign, beside
our plantations in America. I dwelt long upon the fertility of our soil, and
the temperature of our climate. I then spoke at large upon the constitution of
an English parliament; partly made up of an illustrious body called the House
of Peers; persons of the noblest blood, and of the most ancient and ample
patrimonies. I described that extraordinary care always taken of their
education in arts and arms, to qualify them for being counsellors both to the
king and kingdom; to have a share in the legislature; to be members of the
highest court of judicature, whence there can be no appeal; and to be champions
always ready for the defence of their prince and country, by their valour,
conduct, and fidelity. That these were the ornament and bulwark of the kingdom,
worthy followers of their most renowned ancestors, whose honour had been the
reward of their virtue, from which their posterity were never once known to
degenerate. To these were joined several holy persons, as part of that
assembly, under the title of bishops, whose peculiar business is to take care
of religion, and of those who instruct the people therein. These were searched
and sought out through the whole nation, by the prince and his wisest
counsellors, among such of the priesthood as were most deservedly distinguished
by the sanctity of their lives, and the depth of their erudition; who were
indeed the spiritual fathers of the clergy and the people.

That the other part of the parliament consisted of an assembly called the House
of Commons, who were all principal gentlemen, freely picked and culled out by
the people themselves, for their great abilities and love of their country, to
represent the wisdom of the whole nation. And that these two bodies made up the
most august assembly in Europe; to whom, in conjunction with the prince, the
whole legislature is committed.

I then descended to the courts of justice; over which the judges, those
venerable sages and interpreters of the law, presided, for determining the
disputed rights and properties of men, as well as for the punishment of vice
and protection of innocence. I mentioned the prudent management of our
treasury; the valour and achievements of our forces, by sea and land. I
computed the number of our people, by reckoning how many millions there might
be of each religious sect, or political party among us. I did not omit even our
sports and pastimes, or any other particular which I thought might redound to
the honour of my country. And I finished all with a brief historical account of
affairs and events in England for about a hundred years past.

This conversation was not ended under five audiences, each of several hours;
and the king heard the whole with great attention, frequently taking notes of
what I spoke, as well as memorandums of what questions he intended to ask me.

When I had put an end to these long discources, his majesty, in a sixth
audience, consulting his notes, proposed many doubts, queries, and objections,
upon every article. He asked, "What methods were used to cultivate the minds
and bodies of our young nobility, and in what kind of business they commonly
spent the first and teachable parts of their lives? What course was taken to
supply that assembly, when any noble family became extinct? What qualifications
were necessary in those who are to be created new lords: whether the humour of
the prince, a sum of money to a court lady, or a design of strengthening a
party opposite to the public interest, ever happened to be the motive in those
advancements? What share of knowledge these lords had in the laws of their
country, and how they came by it, so as to enable them to decide the properties
of their fellow-subjects in the last resort? Whether they were always so free
from avarice, partialities, or want, that a bribe, or some other sinister view,
could have no place among them? Whether those holy lords I spoke of were always
promoted to that rank upon account of their knowledge in religious matters, and
the sanctity of their lives; had never been compliers with the times, while
they were common priests; or slavish prostitute chaplains to some nobleman,
whose opinions they continued servilely to follow, after they were admitted
into that assembly?"

He then desired to know, "What arts were practised in electing those whom I
called commoners: whether a stranger, with a strong purse, might not influence
the vulgar voters to choose him before their own landlord, or the most
considerable gentleman in the neighbourhood? How it came to pass, that people
were so violently bent upon getting into this assembly, which I allowed to be a
great trouble and expense, often to the ruin of their families, without any
salary or pension? because this appeared such an exalted strain of virtue and
public spirit, that his majesty seemed to doubt it might possibly not be always
sincere." And he desired to know, "Whether such zealous gentlemen could have
any views of refunding themselves for the charges and trouble they were at by
sacrificing the public good to the designs of a weak and vicious prince, in
conjunction with a corrupted ministry?" He multiplied his questions, and sifted
me thoroughly upon every part of this head, proposing numberless inquiries and
objections, which I think it not prudent or convenient to repeat.

Upon what I said in relation to our courts of justice, his majesty desired to
be satisfied in several points: and this I was the better able to do, having
been formerly almost ruined by a long suit in chancery, which was decreed for
me with costs. He asked, "What time was usually spent in determining between
right and wrong, and what degree of expense? Whether advocates and orators had
liberty to plead in causes manifestly known to be unjust, vexatious, or
oppressive? Whether party, in religion or politics, were observed to be of any
weight in the scale of justice? Whether those pleading orators were persons
educated in the general knowledge of equity, or only in provincial, national,
and other local customs? Whether they or their judges had any part in penning
those laws, which they assumed the liberty of interpreting, and glossing upon
at their pleasure? Whether they had ever, at different times, pleaded for and
against the same cause, and cited precedents to prove contrary opinions?
Whether they were a rich or a poor corporation? Whether they received any
pecuniary reward for pleading, or delivering their opinions? And particularly,
whether they were ever admitted as members in the lower senate?"

He fell next upon the management of our treasury; and said, "he thought my
memory had failed me, because I computed our taxes at about five or six
millions a-year, and when I came to mention the issues, he found they sometimes
amounted to more than double; for the notes he had taken were very particular
in this point, because he hoped, as he told me, that the knowledge of our
conduct might be useful to him, and he could not be deceived in his
calculations. But, if what I told him were true, he was still at a loss how a
kingdom could run out of its estate, like a private person." He asked me, "who
were our creditors; and where we found money to pay them?" He wondered to hear
me talk of such chargeable and expensive wars; "that certainly we must be a
quarrelsome people, or live among very bad neighbours, and that our generals
must needs be richer than our kings." He asked, what business we had out of our
own islands, unless upon the score of trade, or treaty, or to defend the coasts
with our fleet?" Above all, he was amazed to hear me talk of a mercenary
standing army, in the midst of peace, and among a free people. He said, "if we
were governed by our own consent, in the persons of our representatives, he
could not imagine of whom we were afraid, or against whom we were to fight; and
would hear my opinion, whether a private man's house might not be better
defended by himself, his children, and family, than by half-a-dozen rascals,
picked up at a venture in the streets for small wages, who might get a hundred
times more by cutting their throats?"

He laughed at my "odd kind of arithmetic," as he was pleased to call it, "in
reckoning the numbers of our people, by a computation drawn from the several
sects among us, in religion and politics." He said, "he knew no reason why
those, who entertain opinions prejudicial to the public, should be obliged to
change, or should not be obliged to conceal them. And as it was tyranny in any
government to require the first, so it was weakness not to enforce the second:
for a man may be allowed to keep poisons in his closet, but not to vend them
about for cordials."

He observed, "that among the diversions of our nobility and gentry, I had
mentioned gaming: he desired to know at what age this entertainment was usually
taken up, and when it was laid down; how much of their time it employed;
whether it ever went so high as to affect their fortunes; whether mean, vicious
people, by their dexterity in that art, might not arrive at great riches, and
sometimes keep our very nobles in dependence, as well as habituate them to vile
companions, wholly take them from the improvement of their minds, and force
them, by the losses they received, to learn and practise that infamous
dexterity upon others?"

He was perfectly astonished with the historical account gave him of our affairs
during the last century; protesting "it was only a heap of conspiracies,
rebellions, murders, massacres, revolutions, banishments, the very worst
effects that avarice, faction, hypocrisy, perfidiousness, cruelty, rage,
madness, hatred, envy, lust, malice, and ambition, could produce."

His majesty, in another audience, was at the pains to recapitulate the sum of
all I had spoken; compared the questions he made with the answers I had given;
then taking me into his hands, and stroking me gently, delivered himself in
these words, which I shall never forget, nor the manner he spoke them in: "My
little friend Grildrig, you have made a most admirable panegyric upon your
country; you have clearly proved, that ignorance, idleness, and vice, are the
proper ingredients for qualifying a legislator; that laws are best explained,
interpreted, and applied, by those whose interest and abilities lie in
perverting, confounding, and eluding them. I observe among you some lines of an
institution, which, in its original, might have been tolerable, but these half
erased, and the rest wholly blurred and blotted by corruptions. It does not
appear, from all you have said, how any one perfection is required toward the
procurement of any one station among you; much less, that men are ennobled on
account of their virtue; that priests are advanced for their piety or learning;
soldiers, for their conduct or valour; judges, for their integrity; senators,
for the love of their country; or counsellors for their wisdom. As for
yourself," continued the king, "who have spent the greatest part of your life
in travelling, I am well disposed to hope you may hitherto have escaped many
vices of your country. But by what I have gathered from your own relation, and
the answers I have with much pains wrung and extorted from you, I cannot but
conclude the bulk of your natives to be the most pernicious race of little
odious vermin that nature ever suffered to crawl upon the surface of the
earth."

CHAPTER VII.

[The author's love of his country. He makes a proposal of much advantage to the
king, which is rejected. The king's great ignorance in politics. The learning
of that country very imperfect and confined. The laws, and military affairs,
and parties in the state.]

Nothing but an extreme love of truth could have hindered me from concealing
this part of my story. It was in vain to discover my resentments, which were
always turned into ridicule; and I was forced to rest with patience, while my
noble and beloved country was so injuriously treated. I am as heartily sorry as
any of my readers can possibly be, that such an occasion was given: but this
prince happened to be so curious and inquisitive upon every particular, that it
could not consist either with gratitude or good manners, to refuse giving him
what satisfaction I was able. Yet thus much I may be allowed to say in my own
vindication, that I artfully eluded many of his questions, and gave to every
point a more favourable turn, by many degrees, than the strictness of truth
would allow. For I have always borne that laudable partiality to my own
country, which Dionysius Halicarnassensis, with so much justice, recommends to
an historian: I would hide the frailties and deformities of my political
mother, and place her virtues and beauties in the most advantageous light. This
was my sincere endeavour in those many discourses I had with that monarch,
although it unfortunately failed of success.

But great allowances should be given to a king, who lives wholly secluded from
the rest of the world, and must therefore be altogether unacquainted with the
manners and customs that most prevail in other nations: the want of which
knowledge will ever produce many prejudices, and a certain narrowness of
thinking, from which we, and the politer countries of Europe, are wholly
exempted. And it would be hard indeed, if so remote a prince's notions of
virtue and vice were to be offered as a standard for all mankind.

To confirm what I have now said, and further to show the miserable effects of a
confined education, I shall here insert a passage, which will hardly obtain
belief. In hopes to ingratiate myself further into his majesty's favour, I told
him of "an invention, discovered between three and four hundred years ago, to
make a certain powder, into a heap of which, the smallest spark of fire
falling, would kindle the whole in a moment, although it were as big as a
mountain, and make it all fly up in the air together, with a noise and
agitation greater than thunder. That a proper quantity of this powder rammed
into a hollow tube of brass or iron, according to its bigness, would drive a
ball of iron or lead, with such violence and speed, as nothing was able to
sustain its force. That the largest balls thus discharged, would not only
destroy whole ranks of an army at once, but batter the strongest walls to the
ground, sink down ships, with a thousand men in each, to the bottom of the sea,
and when linked together by a chain, would cut through masts and rigging,
divide hundreds of bodies in the middle, and lay all waste before them. That we
often put this powder into large hollow balls of iron, and discharged them by
an engine into some city we were besieging, which would rip up the pavements,
tear the houses to pieces, burst and throw splinters on every side, dashing out
the brains of all who came near. That I knew the ingredients very well, which
were cheap and common; I understood the manner of compounding them, and could
direct his workmen how to make those tubes, of a size proportionable to all
other things in his majesty's kingdom, and the largest need not be above a
hundred feet long; twenty or thirty of which tubes, charged with the proper
quantity of powder and balls, would batter down the walls of the strongest town
in his dominions in a few hours, or destroy the whole metropolis, if ever it
should pretend to dispute his absolute commands." This I humbly offered to his
majesty, as a small tribute of acknowledgment, in turn for so many marks that I
had received, of his royal favour and protection.

The king was struck with horror at the description I had given of those
terrible engines, and the proposal I had made. "He was amazed, how so impotent
and grovelling an insect as I" (these were his expressions) "could entertain
such inhuman ideas, and in so familiar a manner, as to appear wholly unmoved at
all the scenes of blood and desolation which I had painted as the common
effects of those destructive machines; whereof," he said, "some evil genius,
enemy to mankind, must have been the first contriver. As for himself, he
protested, that although few things delighted him so much as new discoveries in
art or in nature, yet he would rather lose half his kingdom, than be privy to
such a secret; which he commanded me, as I valued any life, never to mention
any more."

A strange effect of narrow principles and views! that a prince possessed of
every quality which procures veneration, love, and esteem; of strong parts,
great wisdom, and profound learning, endowed with admirable talents, and almost
adored by his subjects, should, from a nice, unnecessary scruple, whereof in
Europe we can have no conception, let slip an opportunity put into his hands
that would have made him absolute master of the lives, the liberties, and the
fortunes of his people! Neither do I say this, with the least intention to
detract from the many virtues of that excellent king, whose character, I am
sensible, will, on this account, be very much lessened in the opinion of an
English reader: but I take this defect among them to have risen from their
ignorance, by not having hitherto reduced politics into a science, as the more
acute wits of Europe have done. For, I remember very well, in a discourse one
day with the king, when I happened to say, "there were several thousand books
among us written upon the art of government," it gave him (directly contrary to
my intention) a very mean opinion of our understandings. He professed both to
abominate and despise all mystery, refinement, and intrigue, either in a prince
or a minister. He could not tell what I meant by secrets of state, where an
enemy, or some rival nation, were not in the case. He confined the knowledge of
governing within very narrow bounds, to common sense and reason, to justice and
lenity, to the speedy determination of civil and criminal causes; with some
other obvious topics, which are not worth considering. And he gave it for his
opinion, "that whoever could make two ears of corn, or two blades of grass, to
grow upon a spot of ground where only one grew before, would deserve better of
mankind, and do more essential service to his country, than the whole race of
politicians put together."

The learning of this people is very defective, consisting only in morality,
history, poetry, and mathematics, wherein they must be allowed to excel. But
the last of these is wholly applied to what may be useful in life, to the
improvement of agriculture, and all mechanical arts; so that among us, it would
be little esteemed. And as to ideas, entities, abstractions, and
transcendentals, I could never drive the least conception into their heads.

No law in that country must exceed in words the number of letters in their
alphabet, which consists only of two and twenty. But indeed few of them extend
even to that length. They are expressed in the most plain and simple terms,
wherein those people are not mercurial enough to discover above one
interpretation: and to write a comment upon any law, is a capital crime. As to
the decision of civil causes, or proceedings against criminals, their
precedents are so few, that they have little reason to boast of any
extraordinary skill in either.

They have had the art of printing, as well as the Chinese, time out of mind:
but their libraries are not very large; for that of the king, which is reckoned
the largest, does not amount to above a thousand volumes, placed in a gallery
of twelve hundred feet long, whence I had liberty to borrow what books I
pleased. The queen's joiner had contrived in one of Glumdalclitch's rooms, a
kind of wooden machine five-and-twenty feet high, formed like a standing
ladder; the steps were each fifty feet long. It was indeed a moveable pair of
stairs, the lowest end placed at ten feet distance from the wall of the
chamber. The book I had a mind to read, was put up leaning against the wall: I
first mounted to the upper step of the ladder, and turning my face towards the
book, began at the top of the page, and so walking to the right and left about
eight or ten paces, according to the length of the lines, till I had gotten a
little below the level of mine eyes, and then descending gradually till I came
to the bottom: after which I mounted again, and began the other page in the
same manner, and so turned over the leaf, which I could easily do with both my
hands, for it was as thick and stiff as a pasteboard, and in the largest folios
not above eighteen or twenty feet long.

Their style is clear, masculine, and smooth, but not florid; for they avoid
nothing more than multiplying unnecessary words, or using various expressions.
I have perused many of their books, especially those in history and morality.
Among the rest, I was much diverted with a little old treatise, which always
lay in Glumdalclitch's bed chamber, and belonged to her governess, a grave
elderly gentlewoman, who dealt in writings of morality and devotion. The book
treats of the weakness of human kind, and is in little esteem, except among the
women and the vulgar. However, I was curious to see what an author of that
country could say upon such a subject. This writer went through all the usual
topics of European moralists, showing "how diminutive, contemptible, and
helpless an animal was man in his own nature; how unable to defend himself from
inclemencies of the air, or the fury of wild beasts: how much he was excelled
by one creature in strength, by another in speed, by a third in foresight, by a
fourth in industry." He added, "that nature was degenerated in these latter
declining ages of the world, and could now produce only small abortive births,
in comparison of those in ancient times." He said "it was very reasonable to
think, not only that the species of men were originally much larger, but also
that there must have been giants in former ages; which, as it is asserted by
history and tradition, so it has been confirmed by huge bones and skulls,
casually dug up in several parts of the kingdom, far exceeding the common
dwindled race of men in our days." He argued, "that the very laws of nature
absolutely required we should have been made, in the beginning of a size more
large and robust; not so liable to destruction from every little accident, of a
tile falling from a house, or a stone cast from the hand of a boy, or being
drowned in a little brook." From this way of reasoning, the author drew several
moral applications, useful in the conduct of life, but needless here to repeat.
For my own part, I could not avoid reflecting how universally this talent was
spread, of drawing lectures in morality, or indeed rather matter of discontent
and repining, from the quarrels we raise with nature. And I believe, upon a
strict inquiry, those quarrels might be shown as ill-grounded among us as they
are among that people.

As to their military affairs, they boast that the king's army consists of a
hundred and seventy-six thousand foot, and thirty-two thousand horse: if that
may be called an army, which is made up of tradesmen in the several cities, and
farmers in the country, whose commanders are only the nobility and gentry,
without pay or reward. They are indeed perfect enough in their exercises, and
under very good discipline, wherein I saw no great merit; for how should it be
otherwise, where every farmer is under the command of his own landlord, and
every citizen under that of the principal men in his own city, chosen after the
manner of Venice, by ballot?

I have often seen the militia of Lorbrulgrud drawn out to exercise, in a great
field near the city of twenty miles square. They were in all not above
twenty-five thousand foot, and six thousand horse; but it was impossible for me
to compute their number, considering the space of ground they took up. A
cavalier, mounted on a large steed, might be about ninety feet high. I have
seen this whole body of horse, upon a word of command, draw their swords at
once, and brandish them in the air. Imagination can figure nothing so grand, so
surprising, and so astonishing! it looked as if ten thousand flashes of
lightning were darting at the same time from every quarter of the sky.

I was curious to know how this prince, to whose dominions there is no access
from any other country, came to think of armies, or to teach his people the
practice of military discipline. But I was soon informed, both by conversation
and reading their histories; for, in the course of many ages, they have been
troubled with the same disease to which the whole race of mankind is subject;
the nobility often contending for power, the people for liberty, and the king
for absolute dominion. All which, however happily tempered by the laws of that
kingdom, have been sometimes violated by each of the three parties, and have
more than once occasioned civil wars; the last whereof was happily put an end
to by this prince's grand-father, in a general composition; and the militia,
then settled with common consent, has been ever since kept in the strictest
duty.

CHAPTER VIII.

[The king and queen make a progress to the frontiers. The author attends them.
The manner in which he leaves the country very particularly related. He returns
to England.]

I had always a strong impulse that I should some time recover my liberty,
though it was impossible to conjecture by what means, or to form any project
with the least hope of succeeding. The ship in which I sailed, was the first
ever known to be driven within sight of that coast, and the king had given
strict orders, that if at any time another appeared, it should be taken ashore,
and with all its crew and passengers brought in a tumbril to Lorbrulgrud. He
was strongly bent to get me a woman of my own size, by whom I might propagate
the breed: but I think I should rather have died than undergone the disgrace of
leaving a posterity to be kept in cages, like tame canary-birds, and perhaps,
in time, sold about the kingdom, to persons of quality, for curiosities. I was
indeed treated with much kindness: I was the favourite of a great king and
queen, and the delight of the whole court; but it was upon such a foot as ill
became the dignity of humankind. I could never forget those domestic pledges I
had left behind me. I wanted to be among people, with whom I could converse
upon even terms, and walk about the streets and fields without being afraid of
being trod to death like a frog or a young puppy. But my deliverance came
sooner than I expected, and in a manner not very common; the whole story and
circumstances of which I shall faithfully relate.

I had now been two years in this country; and about the beginning of the third,
Glumdalclitch and I attended the king and queen, in a progress to the south
coast of the kingdom. I was carried, as usual, in my travelling-box, which as I
have already described, was a very convenient closet, of twelve feet wide. And
I had ordered a hammock to be fixed, by silken ropes from the four corners at
the top, to break the jolts, when a servant carried me before him on horseback,
as I sometimes desired; and would often sleep in my hammock, while we were upon
the road. On the roof of my closet, not directly over the middle of the
hammock, I ordered the joiner to cut out a hole of a foot square, to give me
air in hot weather, as I slept; which hole I shut at pleasure with a board that
drew backward and forward through a groove.

When we came to our journey's end, the king thought proper to pass a few days
at a palace he has near Flanflasnic, a city within eighteen English miles of
the seaside. Glumdalclitch and I were much fatigued: I had gotten a small cold,
but the poor girl was so ill as to be confined to her chamber. I longed to see
the ocean, which must be the only scene of my escape, if ever it should happen.
I pretended to be worse than I really was, and desired leave to take the fresh
air of the sea, with a page, whom I was very fond of, and who had sometimes
been trusted with me. I shall never forget with what unwillingness
Glumdalclitch consented, nor the strict charge she gave the page to be careful
of me, bursting at the same time into a flood of tears, as if she had some
forboding of what was to happen. The boy took me out in my box, about half an
hours walk from the palace, towards the rocks on the sea-shore. I ordered him
to set me down, and lifting up one of my sashes, cast many a wistful melancholy
look towards the sea. I found myself not very well, and told the page that I
had a mind to take a nap in my hammock, which I hoped would do me good. I got
in, and the boy shut the window close down, to keep out the cold. I soon fell
asleep, and all I can conjecture is, while I slept, the page, thinking no
danger could happen, went among the rocks to look for birds' eggs, having
before observed him from my window searching about, and picking up one or two
in the clefts. Be that as it will, I found myself suddenly awaked with a
violent pull upon the ring, which was fastened at the top of my box for the
conveniency of carriage. I felt my box raised very high in the air, and then
borne forward with prodigious speed. The first jolt had like to have shaken me
out of my hammock, but afterward the motion was easy enough. I called out
several times, as loud as I could raise my voice, but all to no purpose. I
looked towards my windows, and could see nothing but the clouds and sky. I
heard a noise just over my head, like the clapping of wings, and then began to
perceive the woful condition I was in; that some eagle had got the ring of my
box in his beak, with an intent to let it fall on a rock, like a tortoise in a
shell, and then pick out my body, and devour it: for the sagacity and smell of
this bird enables him to discover his quarry at a great distance, though better
concealed than I could be within a two-inch board.

In a little time, I observed the noise and flutter of wings to increase very
fast, and my box was tossed up and down, like a sign in a windy day. I heard
several bangs or buffets, as I thought given to the eagle (for such I am
certain it must have been that held the ring of my box in his beak), and then,
all on a sudden, felt myself falling perpendicularly down, for above a minute,
but with such incredible swiftness, that I almost lost my breath. My fall was
stopped by a terrible squash, that sounded louder to my ears than the cataract
of Niagara; after which, I was quite in the dark for another minute, and then
my box began to rise so high, that I could see light from the tops of the
windows. I now perceived I was fallen into the sea. My box, by the weight of my
body, the goods that were in, and the broad plates of iron fixed for strength
at the four corners of the top and bottom, floated about five feet deep in
water. I did then, and do now suppose, that the eagle which flew away with my
box was pursued by two or three others, and forced to let me drop, while he
defended himself against the rest, who hoped to share in the prey. The plates
of iron fastened at the bottom of the box (for those were the strongest)
preserved the balance while it fell, and hindered it from being broken on the
surface of the water. Every joint of it was well grooved; and the door did not
move on hinges, but up and down like a sash, which kept my closet so tight that
very little water came in. I got with much difficulty out of my hammock, having
first ventured to draw back the slip-board on the roof already mentioned,
contrived on purpose to let in air, for want of which I found myself almost
stifled.

How often did I then wish myself with my dear Glumdalclitch, from whom one
single hour had so far divided me! And I may say with truth, that in the midst
of my own misfortunes I could not forbear lamenting my poor nurse, the grief
she would suffer for my loss, the displeasure of the queen, and the ruin of her
fortune. Perhaps many travellers have not been under greater difficulties and
distress than I was at this juncture, expecting every moment to see my box
dashed to pieces, or at least overset by the first violent blast, or rising
wave. A breach in one single pane of glass would have been immediate death: nor
could any thing have preserved the windows, but the strong lattice wires placed
on the outside, against accidents in travelling. I saw the water ooze in at
several crannies, although the leaks were not considerable, and I endeavoured
to stop them as well as I could. I was not able to lift up the roof of my
closet, which otherwise I certainly should have done, and sat on the top of it;
where I might at least preserve myself some hours longer, than by being shut up
(as I may call it) in the hold. Or if I escaped these dangers for a day or two,
what could I expect but a miserable death of cold and hunger? I was four hours
under these circumstances, expecting, and indeed wishing, every moment to be my
last.

I have already told the reader that there were two strong staples fixed upon
that side of my box which had no window, and into which the servant, who used
to carry me on horseback, would put a leathern belt, and buckle it about his
waist. Being in this disconsolate state, I heard, or at least thought I heard,
some kind of grating noise on that side of my box where the staples were fixed;
and soon after I began to fancy that the box was pulled or towed along the sea;
for I now and then felt a sort of tugging, which made the waves rise near the
tops of my windows, leaving me almost in the dark. This gave me some faint
hopes of relief, although I was not able to imagine how it could be brought
about. I ventured to unscrew one of my chairs, which were always fastened to
the floor; and having made a hard shift to screw it down again, directly under
the slipping-board that I had lately opened, I mounted on the chair, and
putting my mouth as near as I could to the hole, I called for help in a loud
voice, and in all the languages I understood. I then fastened my handkerchief
to a stick I usually carried, and thrusting it up the hole, waved it several
times in the air, that if any boat or ship were near, the seamen might
conjecture some unhappy mortal to be shut up in the box.

I found no effect from all I could do, but plainly perceived my closet to be
moved along; and in the space of an hour, or better, that side of the box where
the staples were, and had no windows, struck against something that was hard. I
apprehended it to be a rock, and found myself tossed more than ever. I plainly
heard a noise upon the cover of my closet, like that of a cable, and the
grating of it as it passed through the ring. I then found myself hoisted up, by
degrees, at least three feet higher than I was before. Whereupon I again thrust
up my stick and handkerchief, calling for help till I was almost hoarse. In
return to which, I heard a great shout repeated three times, giving me such
transports of joy as are not to be conceived but by those who feel them. I now
heard a trampling over my head, and somebody calling through the hole with a
loud voice, in the English tongue, "If there be any body below, let them
speak." I answered, "I was an Englishman, drawn by ill fortune into the
greatest calamity that ever any creature underwent, and begged, by all that was
moving, to be delivered out of the dungeon I was in." The voice replied, "I was
safe, for my box was fastened to their ship; and the carpenter should
immediately come and saw a hole in the cover, large enough to pull me out." I
answered, "that was needless, and would take up too much time; for there was no
more to be done, but let one of the crew put his finger into the ring, and take
the box out of the sea into the ship, and so into the captain's cabin." Some of
them, upon hearing me talk so wildly, thought I was mad: others laughed; for
indeed it never came into my head, that I was now got among people of my own
stature and strength. The carpenter came, and in a few minutes sawed a passage
about four feet square, then let down a small ladder, upon which I mounted, and
thence was taken into the ship in a very weak condition.

The sailors were all in amazement, and asked me a thousand questions, which I
had no inclination to answer. I was equally confounded at the sight of so many
pigmies, for such I took them to be, after having so long accustomed mine eyes
to the monstrous objects I had left. But the captain, Mr. Thomas Wilcocks, an
honest worthy Shropshire man, observing I was ready to faint, took me into his
cabin, gave me a cordial to comfort me, and made me turn in upon his own bed,
advising me to take a little rest, of which I had great need. Before I went to
sleep, I gave him to understand that I had some valuable furniture in my box,
too good to be lost: a fine hammock, a handsome field-bed, two chairs, a table,
and a cabinet; that my closet was hung on all sides, or rather quilted, with
silk and cotton; that if he would let one of the crew bring my closet into his
cabin, I would open it there before him, and show him my goods. The captain,
hearing me utter these absurdities, concluded I was raving; however (I suppose
to pacify me) he promised to give order as I desired, and going upon deck, sent
some of his men down into my closet, whence (as I afterwards found) they drew
up all my goods, and stripped off the quilting; but the chairs, cabinet, and
bedstead, being screwed to the floor, were much damaged by the ignorance of the
seamen, who tore them up by force. Then they knocked off some of the boards for
the use of the ship, and when they had got all they had a mind for, let the
hull drop into the sea, which by reason of many breaches made in the bottom and
sides, sunk to rights. And, indeed, I was glad not to have been a spectator of
the havoc they made, because I am confident it would have sensibly touched me,
by bringing former passages into my mind, which I would rather have forgot.

I slept some hours, but perpetually disturbed with dreams of the place I had
left, and the dangers I had escaped. However, upon waking, I found myself much
recovered. It was now about eight o'clock at night, and the captain ordered
supper immediately, thinking I had already fasted too long. He entertained me
with great kindness, observing me not to look wildly, or talk inconsistently:
and, when we were left alone, desired I would give him a relation of my
travels, and by what accident I came to be set adrift, in that monstrous wooden
chest. He said "that about twelve o'clock at noon, as he was looking through
his glass, he spied it at a distance, and thought it was a sail, which he had a
mind to make, being not much out of his course, in hopes of buying some
biscuit, his own beginning to fall short. That upon coming nearer, and finding
his error, he sent out his long-boat to discover what it was; that his men came
back in a fright, swearing they had seen a swimming house. That he laughed at
their folly, and went himself in the boat, ordering his men to take a strong
cable along with them. That the weather being calm, he rowed round me several
times, observed my windows and wire lattices that defended them. That he
discovered two staples upon one side, which was all of boards, without any
passage for light. He then commanded his men to row up to that side, and
fastening a cable to one of the staples, ordered them to tow my chest, as they
called it, toward the ship. When it was there, he gave directions to fasten
another cable to the ring fixed in the cover, and to raise up my chest with
pulleys, which all the sailors were not able to do above two or three feet." He
said, "they saw my stick and handkerchief thrust out of the hole, and concluded
that some unhappy man must be shut up in the cavity." I asked, "whether he or
the crew had seen any prodigious birds in the air, about the time he first
discovered me." To which he answered, that discoursing this matter with the
sailors while I was asleep, one of them said, he had observed three eagles
flying towards the north, but remarked nothing of their being larger than the
usual size:" which I suppose must be imputed to the great height they were at;
and he could not guess the reason of my question. I then asked the captain,
"how far he reckoned we might be from land?" He said, "by the best computation
he could make, we were at least a hundred leagues." I assured him, "that he
must be mistaken by almost half, for I had not left the country whence I came
above two hours before I dropped into the sea." Whereupon he began again to
think that my brain was disturbed, of which he gave me a hint, and advised me
to go to bed in a cabin he had provided. I assured him, "I was well refreshed
with his good entertainment and company, and as much in my senses as ever I was
in my life." He then grew serious, and desired to ask me freely, "whether I
were not troubled in my mind by the consciousness of some enormous crime, for
which I was punished, at the command of some prince, by exposing me in that
chest; as great criminals, in other countries, have been forced to sea in a
leaky vessel, without provisions: for although he should be sorry to have taken
so ill a man into his ship, yet he would engage his word to set me safe ashore,
in the first port where we arrived." He added, "that his suspicions were much
increased by some very absurd speeches I had delivered at first to his sailors,
and afterwards to himself, in relation to my closet or chest, as well as by my
odd looks and behaviour while I was at supper."

I begged his patience to hear me tell my story, which I faithfully did, from
the last time I left England, to the moment he first discovered me. And, as
truth always forces its way into rational minds, so this honest worthy
gentleman, who had some tincture of learning, and very good sense, was
immediately convinced of my candour and veracity. But further to confirm all I
had said, I entreated him to give order that my cabinet should be brought, of
which I had the key in my pocket; for he had already informed me how the seamen
disposed of my closet. I opened it in his own presence, and showed him the
small collection of rarities I made in the country from which I had been so
strangely delivered. There was the comb I had contrived out of the stumps of
the king's beard, and another of the same materials, but fixed into a paring of
her majesty's thumb-nail, which served for the back. There was a collection of
needles and pins, from a foot to half a yard long; four wasp stings, like
joiner's tacks; some combings of the queen's hair; a gold ring, which one day
she made me a present of, in a most obliging manner, taking it from her little
finger, and throwing it over my head like a collar. I desired the captain would
please to accept this ring in return for his civilities; which he absolutely
refused. I showed him a corn that I had cut off with my own hand, from a maid
of honour's toe; it was about the bigness of Kentish pippin, and grown so hard,
that when I returned England, I got it hollowed into a cup, and set in silver.
Lastly, I desired him to see the breeches I had then on, which were made of a
mouse's skin.

I could force nothing on him but a footman's tooth, which I observed him to
examine with great curiosity, and found he had a fancy for it. He received it
with abundance of thanks, more than such a trifle could deserve. It was drawn
by an unskilful surgeon, in a mistake, from one of Glumdalclitch's men, who was
afflicted with the tooth-ache, but it was as sound as any in his head. I got it
cleaned, and put it into my cabinet. It was about a foot long, and four inches
in diameter.

The captain was very well satisfied with this plain relation I had given him,
and said, "he hoped, when we returned to England, I would oblige the world by
putting it on paper, and making it public." My answer was, "that we were
overstocked with books of travels: that nothing could now pass which was not
extraordinary; wherein I doubted some authors less consulted truth, than their
own vanity, or interest, or the diversion of ignorant readers; that my story
could contain little beside common events, without those ornamental
descriptions of strange plants, trees, birds, and other animals; or of the
barbarous customs and idolatry of savage people, with which most writers
abound. However, I thanked him for his good opinion, and promised to take the
matter into my thoughts."

He said "he wondered at one thing very much, which was, to hear me speak so
loud;" asking me "whether the king or queen of that country were thick of
hearing?" I told him, "it was what I had been used to for above two years past,
and that I admired as much at the voices of him and his men, who seemed to me
only to whisper, and yet I could hear them well enough. But, when I spoke in
that country, it was like a man talking in the streets, to another looking out
from the top of a steeple, unless when I was placed on a table, or held in any
person's hand." I told him, "I had likewise observed another thing, that, when
I first got into the ship, and the sailors stood all about me, I thought they
were the most little contemptible creatures I had ever beheld." For indeed,
while I was in that prince's country, I could never endure to look in a glass,
after mine eyes had been accustomed to such prodigious objects, because the
comparison gave me so despicable a conceit of myself. The captain said, "that
while we were at supper, he observed me to look at every thing with a sort of
wonder, and that I often seemed hardly able to contain my laughter, which he
knew not well how to take, but imputed it to some disorder in my brain." I
answered, "it was very true; and I wondered how I could forbear, when I saw his
dishes of the size of a silver three-pence, a leg of pork hardly a mouthful, a
cup not so big as a nut-shell;" and so I went on, describing the rest of his
household-stuff and provisions, after the same manner. For, although he queen
had ordered a little equipage of all things necessary for me, while I was in
her service, yet my ideas were wholly taken up with what I saw on every side of
me, and I winked at my own littleness, as people do at their own faults. The
captain understood my raillery very well, and merrily replied with the old
English proverb, "that he doubted mine eyes were bigger than my belly, for he
did not observe my stomach so good, although I had fasted all day;" and,
continuing in his mirth, protested "he would have gladly given a hundred
pounds, to have seen my closet in the eagle's bill, and afterwards in its fall
from so great a height into the sea; which would certainly have been a most
astonishing object, worthy to have the description of it transmitted to future
ages:" and the comparison of Phaeton was so obvious, that he could not forbear
applying it, although I did not much admire the conceit.

The captain having been at Tonquin, was, in his return to England, driven
north-eastward to the latitude of 44 degrees, and longitude of 143. But meeting
a trade-wind two days after I came on board him, we sailed southward a long
time, and coasting New Holland, kept our course west-south-west, and then
south-south-west, till we doubled the Cape of Good Hope. Our voyage was very
prosperous, but I shall not trouble the reader with a journal of it. The
captain called in at one or two ports, and sent in his long-boat for provisions
and fresh water; but I never went out of the ship till we came into the Downs,
which was on the third day of June, 1706, about nine months after my escape. I
offered to leave my goods in security for payment of my freight: but the
captain protested he would not receive one farthing. We took a kind leave of
each other, and I made him promise he would come to see me at my house in
Redriff. I hired a horse and guide for five shillings, which I borrowed of the
captain.

As I was on the road, observing the littleness of the houses, the trees, the
cattle, and the people, I began to think myself in Lilliput. I was afraid of
trampling on every traveller I met, and often called aloud to have them stand
out of the way, so that I had like to have gotten one or two broken heads for
my impertinence.

When I came to my own house, for which I was forced to inquire, one of the
servants opening the door, I bent down to go in, (like a goose under a gate,)
for fear of striking my head. My wife run out to embrace me, but I stooped
lower than her knees, thinking she could otherwise never be able to reach my
mouth. My daughter kneeled to ask my blessing, but I could not see her till she
arose, having been so long used to stand with my head and eyes erect to above
sixty feet; and then I went to take her up with one hand by the waist. I looked
down upon the servants, and one or two friends who were in the house, as if
they had been pigmies and I a giant. I told my wife, "she had been too thrifty,
for I found she had starved herself and her daughter to nothing." In short, I
behaved myself so unaccountably, that they were all of the captain's opinion
when he first saw me, and concluded I had lost my wits. This I mention as an
instance of the great power of habit and prejudice.

In a little time, I and my family and friends came to a right understanding:
but my wife protested "I should never go to sea any more;" although my evil
destiny so ordered, that she had not power to hinder me, as the reader may know
hereafter. In the mean time, I here conclude the second part of my unfortunate
voyages.

PART III. A VOYAGE TO LAPUTA, BALNIBARBI, LUGGNAGG, GLUBBDUBDRIB, AND JAPAN.

CHAPTER I.

[The author sets out on his third voyage. Is taken by pirates. The malice of a
Dutchman. His arrival at an island. He is received into Laputa.]

I had not been at home above ten days, when Captain William Robinson, a Cornish
man, commander of the Hopewell, a stout ship of three hundred tons, came to my
house. I had formerly been surgeon of another ship where he was master, and a
fourth part owner, in a voyage to the Levant. He had always treated me more
like a brother, than an inferior officer; and, hearing of my arrival, made me a
visit, as I apprehended only out of friendship, for nothing passed more than
what is usual after long absences. But repeating his visits often, expressing
his joy to find I me in good health, asking, "whether I were now settled for
life?" adding, "that he intended a voyage to the East Indies in two months," at
last he plainly invited me, though with some apologies, to be surgeon of the
ship; "that I should have another surgeon under me, beside our two mates; that
my salary should be double to the usual pay; and that having experienced my
knowledge in sea-affairs to be at least equal to his, he would enter into any
engagement to follow my advice, as much as if I had shared in the command."

He said so many other obliging things, and I knew him to be so honest a man,
that I could not reject this proposal; the thirst I had of seeing the world,
notwithstanding my past misfortunes, continuing as violent as ever. The only
difficulty that remained, was to persuade my wife, whose consent however I at
last obtained, by the prospect of advantage she proposed to her children.

We set out the 5th day of August, 1706, and arrived at Fort St. George the 11th
of April, 1707. We staid there three weeks to refresh our crew, many of whom
were sick. From thence we went to Tonquin, where the captain resolved to
continue some time, because many of the goods he intended to buy were not
ready, nor could he expect to be dispatched in several months. Therefore, in
hopes to defray some of the charges he must be at, he bought a sloop, loaded it
with several sorts of goods, wherewith the Tonquinese usually trade to the
neighbouring islands, and putting fourteen men on board, whereof three were of
the country, he appointed me master of the sloop, and gave me power to traffic,
while he transacted his affairs at Tonquin.

We had not sailed above three days, when a great storm arising, we were driven
five days to the north-north-east, and then to the east: after which we had
fair weather, but still with a pretty strong gale from the west. Upon the tenth
day we were chased by two pirates, who soon overtook us; for my sloop was so
deep laden, that she sailed very slow, neither were we in a condition to defend
ourselves.

We were boarded about the same time by both the pirates, who entered furiously
at the head of their men; but finding us all prostrate upon our faces (for so I
gave order), they pinioned us with strong ropes, and setting guard upon us,
went to search the sloop.

I observed among them a Dutchman, who seemed to be of some authority, though he
was not commander of either ship. He knew us by our countenances to be
Englishmen, and jabbering to us in his own language, swore we should be tied
back to back and thrown into the sea. I spoken Dutch tolerably well; I told him
who we were, and begged him, in consideration of our being Christians and
Protestants, of neighbouring countries in strict alliance, that he would move
the captains to take some pity on us. This inflamed his rage; he repeated his
threatenings, and turning to his companions, spoke with great vehemence in the
Japanese language, as I suppose, often using the word Christianos.

The largest of the two pirate ships was commanded by a Japanese captain, who
spoke a little Dutch, but very imperfectly. He came up to me, and after several
questions, which I answered in great humility, he said, "we should not die." I
made the captain a very low bow, and then, turning to the Dutchman, said, "I
was sorry to find more mercy in a heathen, than in a brother christian." But I
had soon reason to repent those foolish words: for that malicious reprobate,
having often endeavoured in vain to persuade both the captains that I might be
thrown into the sea (which they would not yield to, after the promise made me
that I should not die), however, prevailed so far, as to have a punishment
inflicted on me, worse, in all human appearance, than death itself. My men were
sent by an equal division into both the pirate ships, and my sloop new manned.
As to myself, it was determined that I should be set adrift in a small canoe,
with paddles and a sail, and four days' provisions; which last, the Japanese
captain was so kind to double out of his own stores, and would permit no man to
search me. I got down into the canoe, while the Dutchman, standing upon the
deck, loaded me with all the curses and injurious terms his language could
afford.

About an hour before we saw the pirates I had taken an observation, and found
we were in the latitude of 46 N. and longitude of 183. When I was at some
distance from the pirates, I discovered, by my pocket-glass, several islands to
the south-east. I set up my sail, the wind being fair, with a design to reach
the nearest of those islands, which I made a shift to do, in about three hours.
It was all rocky: however I got many birds' eggs; and, striking fire, I kindled
some heath and dry sea-weed, by which I roasted my eggs. I ate no other supper,
being resolved to spare my provisions as much as I could. I passed the night
under the shelter of a rock, strewing some heath under me, and slept pretty
well.

The next day I sailed to another island, and thence to a third and fourth,
sometimes using my sail, and sometimes my paddles. But, not to trouble the
reader with a particular account of my distresses, let it suffice, that on the
fifth day I arrived at the last island in my sight, which lay south-south-east
to the former.

This island was at a greater distance than I expected, and I did not reach it
in less than five hours. I encompassed it almost round, before I could find a
convenient place to land in; which was a small creek, about three times the
wideness of my canoe. I found the island to be all rocky, only a little
intermingled with tufts of grass, and sweet-smelling herbs. I took out my small
provisions and after having refreshed myself, I secured the remainder in a
cave, whereof there were great numbers; I gathered plenty of eggs upon the
rocks, and got a quantity of dry sea-weed, and parched grass, which I designed
to kindle the next day, and roast my eggs as well as I could, for I had about
me my flint, steel, match, and burning-glass. I lay all night in the cave where
I had lodged my provisions. My bed was the same dry grass and sea-weed which I
intended for fuel. I slept very little, for the disquiets of my mind prevailed
over my weariness, and kept me awake. I considered how impossible it was to
preserve my life in so desolate a place, and how miserable my end must be: yet
found myself so listless and desponding, that I had not the heart to rise; and
before I could get spirits enough to creep out of my cave, the day was far
advanced. I walked awhile among the rocks: the sky was perfectly clear, and the
sun so hot, that I was forced to turn my face from it: when all on a sudden it
became obscure, as I thought, in a manner very different from what happens by
the interposition of a cloud. I turned back, and perceived a vast opaque body
between me and the sun moving forwards towards the island: it seemed to be
about two miles high, and hid the sun six or seven minutes; but I did not
observe the air to be much colder, or the sky more darkened, than if I had
stood under the shade of a mountain. As it approached nearer over the place
where I was, it appeared to be a firm substance, the bottom flat, smooth, and
shining very bright, from the reflection of the sea below. I stood upon a
height about two hundred yards from the shore, and saw this vast body
descending almost to a parallel with me, at less than an English mile distance.
I took out my pocket perspective, and could plainly discover numbers of people
moving up and down the sides of it, which appeared to be sloping; but what
those people where doing I was not able to distinguish.

The natural love of life gave me some inward motion of joy, and I was ready to
entertain a hope that this adventure might, some way or other, help to deliver
me from the desolate place and condition I was in. But at the same time the
reader can hardly conceive my astonishment, to behold an island in the air,
inhabited by men, who were able (as it should seem) to raise or sink, or put it
into progressive motion, as they pleased. But not being at that time in a
disposition to philosophise upon this phenomenon, I rather chose to observe
what course the island would take, because it seemed for awhile to stand still.
Yet soon after, it advanced nearer, and I could see the sides of it encompassed
with several gradations of galleries, and stairs, at certain intervals, to
descend from one to the other. In the lowest gallery, I beheld some people
fishing with long angling rods, and others looking on. I waved my cap (for my
hat was long since worn out) and my handkerchief toward the island; and upon
its nearer approach, I called and shouted with the utmost strength of my voice;
and then looking circumspectly, I beheld a crowd gather to that side which was
most in my view. I found by their pointing towards me and to each other, that
they plainly discovered me, although they made no return to my shouting. But I
could see four or five men running in great haste, up the stairs, to the top of
the island, who then disappeared. I happened rightly to conjecture, that these
were sent for orders to some person in authority upon this occasion.

The number of people increased, and, in less than half all hour, the island was
moved and raised in such a manner, that the lowest gallery appeared in a
parallel of less then a hundred yards distance from the height where I stood. I
then put myself in the most supplicating posture, and spoke in the humblest
accent, but received no answer. Those who stood nearest over against me, seemed
to be persons of distinction, as I supposed by their habit. They conferred
earnestly with each other, looking often upon me. At length one of them called
out in a clear, polite, smooth dialect, not unlike in sound to the Italian: and
therefore I returned an answer in that language, hoping at least that the
cadence might be more agreeable to his ears. Although neither of us understood
the other, yet my meaning was easily known, for the people saw the distress I
was in.

They made signs for me to come down from the rock, and go towards the shore,
which I accordingly did; and the flying island being raised to a convenient
height, the verge directly over me, a chain was let down from the lowest
gallery, with a seat fastened to the bottom, to which I fixed myself, and was
drawn up by pulleys.

CHAPTER II.

[The humours and dispositions of the Laputians described. An account of their
learning. Of the king and his court. The author's reception there. The
inhabitants subject to fear and disquietudes. An account of the women.]

At my alighting, I was surrounded with a crowd of people, but those who stood
nearest seemed to be of better quality. They beheld me with all the marks and
circumstances of wonder; neither indeed was I much in their debt, having never
till then seen a race of mortals so singular in their shapes, habits, and
countenances. Their heads were all reclined, either to the right, or the left;
one of their eyes turned inward, and the other directly up to the zenith. Their
outward garments were adorned with the figures of suns, moons, and stars;
interwoven with those of fiddles, flutes, harps, trumpets, guitars,
harpsichords, and many other instruments of music, unknown to us in Europe. I
observed, here and there, many in the habit of servants, with a blown bladder,
fastened like a flail to the end of a stick, which they carried in their hands.
In each bladder was a small quantity of dried peas, or little pebbles, as I was
afterwards informed. With these bladders, they now and then flapped the mouths
and ears of those who stood near them, of which practice I could not then
conceive the meaning. It seems the minds of these people are so taken up with
intense speculations, that they neither can speak, nor attend to the discourses
of others, without being roused by some external taction upon the organs of
speech and hearing; for which reason, those persons who are able to afford it
always keep a flapper (the original is climenole) in their family, as one of
their domestics; nor ever walk abroad, or make visits, without him. And the
business of this officer is, when two, three, or more persons are in company,
gently to strike with his bladder the mouth of him who is to speak, and the
right ear of him or them to whom the speaker addresses himself. This flapper is
likewise employed diligently to attend his master in his walks, and upon
occasion to give him a soft flap on his eyes; because he is always so wrapped
up in cogitation, that he is in manifest danger of falling down every
precipice, and bouncing his head against every post; and in the streets, of
justling others, or being justled himself into the kennel.

It was necessary to give the reader this information, without which he would be
at the same loss with me to understand the proceedings of these people, as they
conducted me up the stairs to the top of the island, and from thence to the
royal palace. While we were ascending, they forgot several times what they were
about, and left me to myself, till their memories were again roused by their
flappers; for they appeared altogether unmoved by the sight of my foreign habit
and countenance, and by the shouts of the vulgar, whose thoughts and minds were
more disengaged.

At last we entered the palace, and proceeded into the chamber of presence,
where I saw the king seated on his throne, attended on each side by persons of
prime quality. Before the throne, was a large table filled with globes and
spheres, and mathematical instruments of all kinds. His majesty took not the
least notice of us, although our entrance was not without sufficient noise, by
the concourse of all persons belonging to the court. But he was then deep in a
problem; and we attended at least an hour, before he could solve it. There
stood by him, on each side, a young page with flaps in their hands, and when
they saw he was at leisure, one of them gently struck his mouth, and the other
his right ear; at which he startled like one awaked on the sudden, and looking
towards me and the company I was in, recollected the occasion of our coming,
whereof he had been informed before. He spoke some words, whereupon immediately
a young man with a flap came up to my side, and flapped me gently on the right
ear; but I made signs, as well as I could, that I had no occasion for such an
instrument; which, as I afterwards found, gave his majesty, and the whole
court, a very mean opinion of my understanding. The king, as far as I could
conjecture, asked me several questions, and I addressed myself to him in all
the languages I had. When it was found I could neither understand nor be
understood, I was conducted by his order to an apartment in his palace (this
prince being distinguished above all his predecessors for his hospitality to
strangers), where two servants were appointed to attend me. My dinner was
brought, and four persons of quality, whom I remembered to have seen very near
the king's person, did me the honour to dine with me. We had two courses, of
three dishes each. In the first course, there was a shoulder of mutton cut into
an equilateral triangle, a piece of beef into a rhomboides, and a pudding into
a cycloid. The second course was two ducks trussed up in the form of fiddles;
sausages and puddings resembling flutes and hautboys, and a breast of veal in
the shape of a harp. The servants cut our bread into cones, cylinders,
parallelograms, and several other mathematical figures.

While we were at dinner, I made bold to ask the names of several things in
their language, and those noble persons, by the assistance of their flappers,
delighted to give me answers, hoping to raise my admiration of their great
abilities if I could be brought to converse with them. I was soon able to call
for bread and drink, or whatever else I wanted.

After dinner my company withdrew, and a person was sent to me by the king's
order, attended by a flapper. He brought with him pen, ink, and paper, and
three or four books, giving me to understand by signs, that he was sent to
teach me the language. We sat together four hours, in which time I wrote down a
great number of words in columns, with the translations over against them; I
likewise made a shift to learn several short sentences; for my tutor would
order one of my servants to fetch something, to turn about, to make a bow, to
sit, or to stand, or walk, and the like. Then I took down the sentence in
writing. He showed me also, in one of his books, the figures of the sun, moon,
and stars, the zodiac, the tropics, and polar circles, together with the
denominations of many plains and solids. He gave me the names and descriptions
of all the musical instruments, and the general terms of art in playing on each
of them. After he had left me, I placed all my words, with their
interpretations, in alphabetical order. And thus, in a few days, by the help of
a very faithful memory, I got some insight into their language. The word, which
I interpret the flying or floating island, is in the original Laputa, whereof I
could never learn the true etymology. Lap, in the old obsolete language,
signifies high; and untuh, a governor; from which they say, by corruption, was
derived Laputa, from Lapuntuh. But I do not approve of this derivation, which
seems to be a little strained. I ventured to offer to the learned among them a
conjecture of my own, that Laputa was quasi lap outed; lap, signifying
properly, the dancing of the sunbeams in the sea, and outed, a wing; which,
however, I shall not obtrude, but submit to the judicious reader.

Those to whom the king had entrusted me, observing how ill I was clad, ordered
a tailor to come next morning, and take measure for a suit of clothes. This
operator did his office after a different manner from those of his trade in
Europe. He first took my altitude by a quadrant, and then, with a rule and
compasses, described the dimensions and outlines of my whole body, all which he
entered upon paper; and in six days brought my clothes very ill made, and quite
out of shape, by happening to mistake a figure in the calculation. But my
comfort was, that I observed such accidents very frequent, and little regarded.

During my confinement for want of clothes, and by an indisposition that held me
some days longer, I much enlarged my dictionary; and when I went next to court,
was able to understand many things the king spoke, and to return him some kind
of answers. His majesty had given orders, that the island should move
north-east and by east, to the vertical point over Lagado, the metropolis of
the whole kingdom below, upon the firm earth. It was about ninety leagues
distant, and our voyage lasted four days and a half. I was not in the least
sensible of the progressive motion made in the air by the island. On the second
morning, about eleven o'clock, the king himself in person, attended by his
nobility, courtiers, and officers, having prepared all their musical
instruments, played on them for three hours without intermission, so that I was
quite stunned with the noise; neither could I possibly guess the meaning, till
my tutor informed me. He said that, the people of their island had their ears
adapted to hear "the music of the spheres, which always played at certain
periods, and the court was now prepared to bear their part, in whatever
instrument they most excelled."

In our journey towards Lagado, the capital city, his majesty ordered that the
island should stop over certain towns and villages, from whence he might
receive the petitions of his subjects. And to this purpose, several packthreads
were let down, with small weights at the bottom. On these packthreads the
people strung their petitions, which mounted up directly, like the scraps of
paper fastened by school boys at the end of the string that holds their kite.
Sometimes we received wine and victuals from below, which were drawn up by
pulleys.

The knowledge I had in mathematics, gave me great assistance in acquiring their
phraseology, which depended much upon that science, and music; and in the
latter I was not unskilled. Their ideas are perpetually conversant in lines and
figures. If they would, for example, praise the beauty of a woman, or any other
animal, they describe it by rhombs, circles, parallelograms, ellipses, and
other geometrical terms, or by words of art drawn from music, needless here to
repeat. I observed in the king's kitchen all sorts of mathematical and musical
instruments, after the figures of which they cut up the joints that were served
to his majesty's table.

Their houses are very ill built, the walls bevil, without one right angle in
any apartment; and this defect arises from the contempt they bear to practical
geometry, which they despise as vulgar and mechanic; those instructions they
give being too refined for the intellects of their workmen, which occasions
perpetual mistakes. And although they are dexterous enough upon a piece of
paper, in the management of the rule, the pencil, and the divider, yet in the
common actions and behaviour of life, I have not seen a more clumsy, awkward,
and unhandy people, nor so slow and perplexed in their conceptions upon all
other subjects, except those of mathematics and music. They are very bad
reasoners, and vehemently given to opposition, unless when they happen to be of
the right opinion, which is seldom their case. Imagination, fancy, and
invention, they are wholly strangers to, nor have any words in their language,
by which those ideas can be expressed; the whole compass of their thoughts and
mind being shut up within the two forementioned sciences.

Most of them, and especially those who deal in the astronomical part, have
great faith in judicial astrology, although they are ashamed to own it
publicly. But what I chiefly admired, and thought altogether unaccountable, was
the strong disposition I observed in them towards news and politics,
perpetually inquiring into public affairs, giving their judgments in matters of
state, and passionately disputing every inch of a party opinion. I have indeed
observed the same disposition among most of the mathematicians I have known in
Europe, although I could never discover the least analogy between the two
sciences; unless those people suppose, that because the smallest circle has as
many degrees as the largest, therefore the regulation and management of the
world require no more abilities than the handling and turning of a globe; but I
rather take this quality to spring from a very common infirmity of human
nature, inclining us to be most curious and conceited in matters where we have
least concern, and for which we are least adapted by study or nature.

These people are under continual disquietudes, never enjoying a minutes peace
of mind; and their disturbances proceed from causes which very little affect
the rest of mortals. Their apprehensions arise from several changes they dread
in the celestial bodies: for instance, that the earth, by the continual
approaches of the sun towards it, must, in course of time, be absorbed, or
swallowed up; that the face of the sun, will, by degrees, be encrusted with its
own effluvia, and give no more light to the world; that the earth very narrowly
escaped a brush from the tail of the last comet, which would have infallibly
reduced it to ashes; and that the next, which they have calculated for
one-and-thirty years hence, will probably destroy us. For if, in its
perihelion, it should approach within a certain degree of the sun (as by their
calculations they have reason to dread) it will receive a degree of heat ten
thousand times more intense than that of red hot glowing iron, and in its
absence from the sun, carry a blazing tail ten hundred thousand and fourteen
miles long, through which, if the earth should pass at the distance of one
hundred thousand miles from the nucleus, or main body of the comet, it must in
its passage be set on fire, and reduced to ashes: that the sun, daily spending
its rays without any nutriment to supply them, will at last be wholly consumed
and annihilated; which must be attended with the destruction of this earth, and
of all the planets that receive their light from it.

They are so perpetually alarmed with the apprehensions of these, and the like
impending dangers, that they can neither sleep quietly in their beds, nor have
any relish for the common pleasures and amusements of life. When they meet an
acquaintance in the morning, the first question is about the sun's health, how
he looked at his setting and rising, and what hopes they have to avoid the
stroke of the approaching comet. This conversation they are apt to run into
with the same temper that boys discover in delighting to hear terrible stories
of spirits and hobgoblins, which they greedily listen to, and dare not go to
bed for fear.

The women of the island have abundance of vivacity: they, contemn their
husbands, and are exceedingly fond of strangers, whereof there is always a
considerable number from the continent below, attending at court, either upon
affairs of the several towns and corporations, or their own particular
occasions, but are much despised, because they want the same endowments. Among
these the ladies choose their gallants: but the vexation is, that they act with
too much ease and security; for the husband is always so rapt in speculation,
that the mistress and lover may proceed to the greatest familiarities before
his face, if he be but provided with paper and implements, and without his
flapper at his side.

The wives and daughters lament their confinement to the island, although I
think it the most delicious spot of ground in the world; and although they live
here in the greatest plenty and magnificence, and are allowed to do whatever
they please, they long to see the world, and take the diversions of the
metropolis, which they are not allowed to do without a particular license from
the king; and this is not easy to be obtained, because the people of quality
have found, by frequent experience, how hard it is to persuade their women to
return from below. I was told that a great court lady, who had several
children,--is married to the prime minister, the richest subject in the
kingdom, a very graceful person, extremely fond of her, and lives in the finest
palace of the island,--went down to Lagado on the pretence of health, there hid
herself for several months, till the king sent a warrant to search for her; and
she was found in an obscure eating-house all in rags, having pawned her clothes
to maintain an old deformed footman, who beat her every day, and in whose
company she was taken, much against her will. And although her husband received
her with all possible kindness, and without the least reproach, she soon after
contrived to steal down again, with all her jewels, to the same gallant, and
has not been heard of since.

This may perhaps pass with the reader rather for an European or English story,
than for one of a country so remote. But he may please to consider, that the
caprices of womankind are not limited by any climate or nation, and that they
are much more uniform, than can be easily imagined.

In about a month's time, I had made a tolerable proficiency in their language,
and was able to answer most of the king's questions, when I had the honour to
attend him. His majesty discovered not the least curiosity to inquire into the
laws, government, history, religion, or manners of the countries where I had
been; but confined his questions to the state of mathematics, and received the
account I gave him with great contempt and indifference, though often roused by
his flapper on each side.

CHAPTER III.

[A phenomenon solved by modern philosophy and astronomy. The Laputians' great
improvements in the latter. The king's method of suppressing insurrections.]

I desired leave of this prince to see the curiosities of the island, which he
was graciously pleased to grant, and ordered my tutor to attend me. I chiefly
wanted to know, to what cause, in art or in nature, it owed its several
motions, whereof I will now give a philosophical account to the reader.

The flying or floating island is exactly circular, its diameter 7837 yards, or
about four miles and a half, and consequently contains ten thousand acres. It
is three hundred yards thick. The bottom, or under surface, which appears to
those who view it below, is one even regular plate of adamant, shooting up to
the height of about two hundred yards. Above it lie the several minerals in
their usual order, and over all is a coat of rich mould, ten or twelve feet
deep. The declivity of the upper surface, from the circumference to the centre,
is the natural cause why all the dews and rains, which fall upon the island,
are conveyed in small rivulets toward the middle, where they are emptied into
four large basins, each of about half a mile in circuit, and two hundred yards
distant from the centre. From these basins the water is continually exhaled by
the sun in the daytime, which effectually prevents their overflowing. Besides,
as it is in the power of the monarch to raise the island above the region of
clouds and vapours, he can prevent the falling of dews and rain whenever he
pleases. For the highest clouds cannot rise above two miles, as naturalists
agree, at least they were never known to do so in that country.

At the centre of the island there is a chasm about fifty yards in diameter,
whence the astronomers descend into a large dome, which is therefore called
flandona gagnole, or the astronomer's cave, situated at the depth of a hundred
yards beneath the upper surface of the adamant. In this cave are twenty lamps
continually burning, which, from the reflection of the adamant, cast a strong
light into every part. The place is stored with great variety of sextants,
quadrants, telescopes, astrolabes, and other astronomical instruments. But the
greatest curiosity, upon which the fate of the island depends, is a loadstone
of a prodigious size, in shape resembling a weaver's shuttle. It is in length
six yards, and in the thickest part at least three yards over. This magnet is
sustained by a very strong axle of adamant passing through its middle, upon
which it plays, and is poised so exactly that the weakest hand can turn it. It
is hooped round with a hollow cylinder of adamant, four feet yards in diameter,
placed horizontally, and supported by eight adamantine feet, each six yards
high. In the middle of the concave side, there is a groove twelve inches deep,
in which the extremities of the axle are lodged, and turned round as there is
occasion.

The stone cannot be removed from its place by any force, because the hoop and
its feet are one continued piece with that body of adamant which constitutes
the bottom of the island.

By means of this loadstone, the island is made to rise and fall, and move from
one place to another. For, with respect to that part of the earth over which
the monarch presides, the stone is endued at one of its sides with an
attractive power, and at the other with a repulsive. Upon placing the magnet
erect, with its attracting end towards the earth, the island descends; but when
the repelling extremity points downwards, the island mounts directly upwards.
When the position of the stone is oblique, the motion of the island is so too:
for in this magnet, the forces always act in lines parallel to its direction.

By this oblique motion, the island is conveyed to different parts of the
monarch's dominions. To explain the manner of its progress, let A B represent a
line drawn across the dominions of Balnibarbi, let the line c d represent the
loadstone, of which let d be the repelling end, and c the attracting end, the
island being over C: let the stone be placed in position c d, with its
repelling end downwards; then the island will be driven upwards obliquely
towards D. When it is arrived at D, let the stone be turned upon its axle, till
its attracting end points towards E, and then the island will be carried
obliquely towards E; where, if the stone be again turned upon its axle till it
stands in the position E F, with its repelling point downwards, the island will
rise obliquely towards F, where, by directing the attracting end towards G, the
island may be carried to G, and from G to H, by turning the stone, so as to
make its repelling extremity to point directly downward. And thus, by changing
the situation of the stone, as often as there is occasion, the island is made
to rise and fall by turns in an oblique direction, and by those alternate
risings and fallings (the obliquity being not considerable) is conveyed from
one part of the dominions to the other.

But it must be observed, that this island cannot move beyond the extent of the
dominions below, nor can it rise above the height of four miles. For which the
astronomers (who have written large systems concerning the stone) assign the
following reason: that the magnetic virtue does not extend beyond the distance
of four miles, and that the mineral, which acts upon the stone in the bowels of
the earth, and in the sea about six leagues distant from the shore, is not
diffused through the whole globe, but terminated with the limits of the king's
dominions; and it was easy, from the great advantage of such a superior
situation, for a prince to bring under his obedience whatever country lay
within the attraction of that magnet.

When the stone is put parallel to the plane of the horizon, the island stands
still; for in that case the extremities of it, being at equal distance from the
earth, act with equal force, the one in drawing downwards, the other in pushing
upwards, and consequently no motion can ensue.

This loadstone is under the care of certain astronomers, who, from time to
time, give it such positions as the monarch directs. They spend the greatest
part of their lives in observing the celestial bodies, which they do by the
assistance of glasses, far excelling ours in goodness. For, although their
largest telescopes do not exceed three feet, they magnify much more than those
of a hundred with us, and show the stars with greater clearness. This advantage
has enabled them to extend their discoveries much further than our astronomers
in Europe; for they have made a catalogue of ten thousand fixed stars, whereas
the largest of ours do not contain above one third part of that number. They
have likewise discovered two lesser stars, or satellites, which revolve about
Mars; whereof the innermost is distant from the centre of the primary planet
exactly three of his diameters, and the outermost, five; the former revolves in
the space of ten hours, and the latter in twenty-one and a half; so that the
squares of their periodical times are very near in the same proportion with the
cubes of their distance from the centre of Mars; which evidently shows them to
be governed by the same law of gravitation that influences the other heavenly
bodies.

They have observed ninety-three different comets, and settled their periods
with great exactness. If this be true (and they affirm it with great
confidence) it is much to be wished, that their observations were made public,
whereby the theory of comets, which at present is very lame and defective,
might be brought to the same perfection with other arts of astronomy.

The king would be the most absolute prince in the universe, if he could but
prevail on a ministry to join with him; but these having their estates below on
the continent, and considering that the office of a favourite has a very
uncertain tenure, would never consent to the enslaving of their country.

If any town should engage in rebellion or mutiny, fall into violent factions,
or refuse to pay the usual tribute, the king has two methods of reducing them
to obedience. The first and the mildest course is, by keeping the island
hovering over such a town, and the lands about it, whereby he can deprive them
of the benefit of the sun and the rain, and consequently afflict the
inhabitants with dearth and diseases: and if the crime deserve it, they are at
the same time pelted from above with great stones, against which they have no
defence but by creeping into cellars or caves, while the roofs of their houses
are beaten to pieces. But if they still continue obstinate, or offer to raise
insurrections, he proceeds to the last remedy, by letting the island drop
directly upon their heads, which makes a universal destruction both of houses
and men. However, this is an extremity to which the prince is seldom driven,
neither indeed is he willing to put it in execution; nor dare his ministers
advise him to an action, which, as it would render them odious to the people,
so it would be a great damage to their own estates, which all lie below; for
the island is the king's demesne.

But there is still indeed a more weighty reason, why the kings of this country
have been always averse from executing so terrible an action, unless upon the
utmost necessity. For, if the town intended to be destroyed should have in it
any tall rocks, as it generally falls out in the larger cities, a situation
probably chosen at first with a view to prevent such a catastrophe; or if it
abound in high spires, or pillars of stone, a sudden fall might endanger the
bottom or under surface of the island, which, although it consist, as I have
said, of one entire adamant, two hundred yards thick, might happen to crack by
too great a shock, or burst by approaching too near the fires from the houses
below, as the backs, both of iron and stone, will often do in our chimneys. Of
all this the people are well apprised, and understand how far to carry their
obstinacy, where their liberty or property is concerned. And the king, when he
is highest provoked, and most determined to press a city to rubbish, orders the
island to descend with great gentleness, out of a pretence of tenderness to his
people, but, indeed, for fear of breaking the adamantine bottom; in which case,
it is the opinion of all their philosophers, that the loadstone could no longer
hold it up, and the whole mass would fall to the ground.

By a fundamental law of this realm, neither the king, nor either of his two
eldest sons, are permitted to leave the island; nor the queen, till she is past
child-bearing.

CHAPTER IV.

[The author leaves Laputa; is conveyed to Balnibarbi; arrives at the
metropolis. A description of the metropolis, and the country adjoining. The
author hospitably received by a great lord. His conversation with that lord.]

Although I cannot say that I was ill treated in this island, yet I must confess
I thought myself too much neglected, not without some degree of contempt; for
neither prince nor people appeared to be curious in any part of knowledge,
except mathematics and music, wherein I was far their inferior, and upon that
account very little regarded.

On the other side, after having seen all the curiosities of the island, I was
very desirous to leave it, being heartily weary of those people. They were
indeed excellent in two sciences for which I have great esteem, and wherein I
am not unversed; but, at the same time, so abstracted and involved in
speculation, that I never met with such disagreeable companions. I conversed
only with women, tradesmen, flappers, and court-pages, during two months of my
abode there; by which, at last, I rendered myself extremely contemptible; yet
these were the only people from whom I could ever receive a reasonable answer.

I had obtained, by hard study, a good degree of knowledge in their language: I
was weary of being confined to an island where I received so little
countenance, and resolved to leave it with the first opportunity.

There was a great lord at court, nearly related to the king, and for that
reason alone used with respect. He was universally reckoned the most ignorant
and stupid person among them. He had performed many eminent services for the
crown, had great natural and acquired parts, adorned with integrity and honour;
but so ill an ear for music, that his detractors reported, "he had been often
known to beat time in the wrong place;" neither could his tutors, without
extreme difficulty, teach him to demonstrate the most easy proposition in the
mathematics. He was pleased to show me many marks of favour, often did me the
honour of a visit, desired to be informed in the affairs of Europe, the laws
and customs, the manners and learning of the several countries where I had
travelled. He listened to me with great attention, and made very wise
observations on all I spoke. He had two flappers attending him for state, but
never made use of them, except at court and in visits of ceremony, and would
always command them to withdraw, when we were alone together.

I entreated this illustrious person, to intercede in my behalf with his
majesty, for leave to depart; which he accordingly did, as he was pleased to
tell me, with regret: for indeed he had made me several offers very
advantageous, which, however, I refused, with expressions of the highest
acknowledgment.

On the 16th of February I took leave of his majesty and the court. The king
made me a present to the value of about two hundred pounds English, and my
protector, his kinsman, as much more, together with a letter of recommendation
to a friend of his in Lagado, the metropolis. The island being then hovering
over a mountain about two miles from it, I was let down from the lowest
gallery, in the same manner as I had been taken up.

The continent, as far as it is subject to the monarch of the flying island,
passes under the general name of Balnibarbi; and the metropolis, as I said
before, is called Lagado. I felt some little satisfaction in finding myself on
firm ground. I walked to the city without any concern, being clad like one of
the natives, and sufficiently instructed to converse with them. I soon found
out the person's house to whom I was recommended, presented my letter from his
friend the grandee in the island, and was received with much kindness. This
great lord, whose name was Munodi, ordered me an apartment in his own house,
where I continued during my stay, and was entertained in a most hospitable
manner.

The next morning after my arrival, he took me in his chariot to see the town,
which is about half the bigness of London; but the houses very strangely built,
and most of them out of repair. The people in the streets walked fast, looked
wild, their eyes fixed, and were generally in rags. We passed through one of
the town gates, and went about three miles into the country, where I saw many
labourers working with several sorts of tools in the ground, but was not able
to conjecture what they were about: neither did observe any expectation either
of corn or grass, although the soil appeared to be excellent. I could not
forbear admiring at these odd appearances, both in town and country; and I made
bold to desire my conductor, that he would be pleased to explain to me, what
could be meant by so many busy heads, hands, and faces, both in the streets and
the fields, because I did not discover any good effects they produced; but, on
the contrary, I never knew a soil so unhappily cultivated, houses so ill
contrived and so ruinous, or a people whose countenances and habit expressed so
much misery and want.

This lord Munodi was a person of the first rank, and had been some years
governor of Lagado; but, by a cabal of ministers, was discharged for
insufficiency. However, the king treated him with tenderness, as a well-meaning
man, but of a low contemptible understanding.

When I gave that free censure of the country and its inhabitants, he made no
further answer than by telling me, "that I had not been long enough among them
to form a judgment; and that the different nations of the world had different
customs;" with other common topics to the same purpose. But, when we returned
to his palace, he asked me "how I liked the building, what absurdities I
observed, and what quarrel I had with the dress or looks of his domestics?"
This he might safely do; because every thing about him was magnificent,
regular, and polite. I answered, "that his excellency's prudence, quality, and
fortune, had exempted him from those defects, which folly and beggary had
produced in others." He said, "if I would go with him to his country-house,
about twenty miles distant, where his estate lay, there would be more leisure
for this kind of conversation." I told his excellency "that I was entirely at
his disposal;" and accordingly we set out next morning.

During our journey he made me observe the several methods used by farmers in
managing their lands, which to me were wholly unaccountable; for, except in
some very few places, I could not discover one ear of corn or blade of grass.
But, in three hours travelling, the scene was wholly altered; we came into a
most beautiful country; farmers' houses, at small distances, neatly built; the
fields enclosed, containing vineyards, corn-grounds, and meadows. Neither do I
remember to have seen a more delightful prospect. His excellency observed my
countenance to clear up; he told me, with a sigh, "that there his estate began,
and would continue the same, till we should come to his house: that his
countrymen ridiculed and despised him, for managing his affairs no better, and
for setting so ill an example to the kingdom; which, however, was followed by
very few, such as were old, and wilful, and weak like himself."

We came at length to the house, which was indeed a noble structure, built
according to the best rules of ancient architecture. The fountains, gardens,
walks, avenues, and groves, were all disposed with exact judgment and taste. I
gave due praises to every thing I saw, whereof his excellency took not the
least notice till after supper; when, there being no third companion, he told
me with a very melancholy air "that he doubted he must throw down his houses in
town and country, to rebuild them after the present mode; destroy all his
plantations, and cast others into such a form as modern usage required, and
give the same directions to all his tenants, unless he would submit to incur
the censure of pride, singularity, affectation, ignorance, caprice, and perhaps
increase his majesty's displeasure; that the admiration I appeared to be under
would cease or diminish, when he had informed me of some particulars which,
probably, I never heard of at court, the people there being too much taken up
in their own speculations, to have regard to what passed here below."

The sum of his discourse was to this effect: "That about forty years ago,
certain persons went up to Laputa, either upon business or diversion, and,
after five months continuance, came back with a very little smattering in
mathematics, but full of volatile spirits acquired in that airy region: that
these persons, upon their return, began to dislike the management of every
thing below, and fell into schemes of putting all arts, sciences, languages,
and mechanics, upon a new foot. To this end, they procured a royal patent for
erecting an academy of projectors in Lagado; and the humour prevailed so
strongly among the people, that there is not a town of any consequence in the
kingdom without such an academy. In these colleges the professors contrive new
rules and methods of agriculture and building, and new instruments, and tools
for all trades and manufactures; whereby, as they undertake, one man shall do
the work of ten; a palace may be built in a week, of materials so durable as to
last for ever without repairing. All the fruits of the earth shall come to
maturity at whatever season we think fit to choose, and increase a hundred fold
more than they do at present; with innumerable other happy proposals. The only
inconvenience is, that none of these projects are yet brought to perfection;
and in the mean time, the whole country lies miserably waste, the houses in
ruins, and the people without food or clothes. By all which, instead of being
discouraged, they are fifty times more violently bent upon prosecuting their
schemes, driven equally on by hope and despair: that as for himself, being not
of an enterprising spirit, he was content to go on in the old forms, to live in
the houses his ancestors had built, and act as they did, in every part of life,
without innovation: that some few other persons of quality and gentry had done
the same, but were looked on with an eye of contempt and ill-will, as enemies
to art, ignorant, and ill common-wealth's men, preferring their own ease and
sloth before the general improvement of their country."

His lordship added, "That he would not, by any further particulars, prevent the
pleasure I should certainly take in viewing the grand academy, whither he was
resolved I should go." He only desired me to observe a ruined building, upon
the side of a mountain about three miles distant, of which he gave me this
account: "That he had a very convenient mill within half a mile of his house,
turned by a current from a large river, and sufficient for his own family, as
well as a great number of his tenants; that about seven years ago, a club of
those projectors came to him with proposals to destroy this mill, and build
another on the side of that mountain, on the long ridge whereof a long canal
must be cut, for a repository of water, to be conveyed up by pipes and engines
to supply the mill, because the wind and air upon a height agitated the water,
and thereby made it fitter for motion, and because the water, descending down a
declivity, would turn the mill with half the current of a river whose course is
more upon a level." He said, "that being then not very well with the court, and
pressed by many of his friends, he complied with the proposal; and after
employing a hundred men for two years, the work miscarried, the projectors went
off, laying the blame entirely upon him, railing at him ever since, and putting
others upon the same experiment, with equal assurance of success, as well as
equal disappointment."

In a few days we came back to town; and his excellency, considering the bad
character he had in the academy, would not go with me himself, but recommended
me to a friend of his, to bear me company thither. My lord was pleased to
represent me as a great admirer of projects, and a person of much curiosity and
easy belief; which, indeed, was not without truth; for I had myself been a sort
of projector in my younger days.

CHAPTER V.

[The author permitted to see the grand academy of Lagado. The academy largely
described. The arts wherein the professors employ themselves.]

This academy is not an entire single building, but a continuation of several
houses on both sides of a street, which growing waste, was purchased and
applied to that use.

I was received very kindly by the warden, and went for many days to the
academy. Every room has in it one or more projectors; and I believe I could not
be in fewer than five hundred rooms.

The first man I saw was of a meagre aspect, with sooty hands and face, his hair
and beard long, ragged, and singed in several places. His clothes, shirt, and
skin, were all of the same colour. He has been eight years upon a project for
extracting sunbeams out of cucumbers, which were to be put in phials
hermetically sealed, and let out to warm the air in raw inclement summers. He
told me, he did not doubt, that, in eight years more, he should be able to
supply the governor's gardens with sunshine, at a reasonable rate: but he
complained that his stock was low, and entreated me "to give him something as
an encouragement to ingenuity, especially since this had been a very dear
season for cucumbers." I made him a small present, for my lord had furnished me
with money on purpose, because he knew their practice of begging from all who
go to see them.

I went into another chamber, but was ready to hasten back, being almost
overcome with a horrible stink. My conductor pressed me forward, conjuring me
in a whisper "to give no offence, which would be highly resented;" and
therefore I durst not so much as stop my nose. The projector of this cell was
the most ancient student of the academy; his face and beard were of a pale
yellow; his hands and clothes daubed over with filth. When I was presented to
him, he gave me a close embrace, a compliment I could well have excused. His
employment, from his first coming into the academy, was an operation to reduce
human excrement to its original food, by separating the several parts, removing
the tincture which it receives from the gall, making the odour exhale, and
scumming off the saliva. He had a weekly allowance, from the society, of a
vessel filled with human ordure, about the bigness of a Bristol barrel.

I saw another at work to calcine ice into gunpowder; who likewise showed me a
treatise he had written concerning the malleability of fire, which he intended
to publish.

There was a most ingenious architect, who had contrived a new method for
building houses, by beginning at the roof, and working downward to the
foundation; which he justified to me, by the like practice of those two prudent
insects, the bee and the spider.

There was a man born blind, who had several apprentices in his own condition:
their employment was to mix colours for painters, which their master taught
them to distinguish by feeling and smelling. It was indeed my misfortune to
find them at that time not very perfect in their lessons, and the professor
himself happened to be generally mistaken. This artist is much encouraged and
esteemed by the whole fraternity.

In another apartment I was highly pleased with a projector who had found a
device of ploughing the ground with hogs, to save the charges of ploughs,
cattle, and labour. The method is this: in an acre of ground you bury, at six
inches distance and eight deep, a quantity of acorns, dates, chestnuts, and
other mast or vegetables, whereof these animals are fondest; then you drive six
hundred or more of them into the field, where, in a few days, they will root up
the whole ground in search of their food, and make it fit for sowing, at the
same time manuring it with their dung: it is true, upon experiment, they found
the charge and trouble very great, and they had little or no crop. However it
is not doubted, that this invention may be capable of great improvement.

I went into another room, where the walls and ceiling were all hung round with
cobwebs, except a narrow passage for the artist to go in and out. At my
entrance, he called aloud to me, "not to disturb his webs." He lamented "the
fatal mistake the world had been so long in, of using silkworms, while we had
such plenty of domestic insects who infinitely excelled the former, because
they understood how to weave, as well as spin." And he proposed further, "that
by employing spiders, the charge of dyeing silks should be wholly saved;"
whereof I was fully convinced, when he showed me a vast number of flies most
beautifully coloured, wherewith he fed his spiders, assuring us "that the webs
would take a tincture from them; and as he had them of all hues, he hoped to
fit everybody's fancy, as soon as he could find proper food for the flies, of
certain gums, oils, and other glutinous matter, to give a strength and
consistence to the threads."

There was an astronomer, who had undertaken to place a sun-dial upon the great
weathercock on the town-house, by adjusting the annual and diurnal motions of
the earth and sun, so as to answer and coincide with all accidental turnings of
the wind.

I was complaining of a small fit of the colic, upon which my conductor led me
into a room where a great physician resided, who was famous for curing that
disease, by contrary operations from the same instrument. He had a large pair
of bellows, with a long slender muzzle of ivory: this he conveyed eight inches
up the anus, and drawing in the wind, he affirmed he could make the guts as
lank as a dried bladder. But when the disease was more stubborn and violent, he
let in the muzzle while the bellows were full of wind, which he discharged into
the body of the patient; then withdrew the instrument to replenish it, clapping
his thumb strongly against the orifice of then fundament; and this being
repeated three or four times, the adventitious wind would rush out, bringing
the noxious along with it, (like water put into a pump), and the patient
recovered. I saw him try both experiments upon a dog, but could not discern any
effect from the former. After the latter the animal was ready to burst, and
made so violent a discharge as was very offensive to me and my companion. The
dog died on the spot, and we left the doctor endeavouring to recover him, by
the same operation.

I visited many other apartments, but shall not trouble my reader with all the
curiosities I observed, being studious of brevity.

I had hitherto seen only one side of the academy, the other being appropriated
to the advancers of speculative learning, of whom I shall say something, when I
have mentioned one illustrious person more, who is called among them "the
universal artist." He told us "he had been thirty years employing his thoughts
for the improvement of human life." He had two large rooms full of wonderful
curiosities, and fifty men at work. Some were condensing air into a dry
tangible substance, by extracting the nitre, and letting the aqueous or fluid
particles percolate; others softening marble, for pillows and pin-cushions;
others petrifying the hoofs of a living horse, to preserve them from
foundering. The artist himself was at that time busy upon two great designs;
the first, to sow land with chaff, wherein he affirmed the true seminal virtue
to be contained, as he demonstrated by several experiments, which I was not
skilful enough to comprehend. The other was, by a certain composition of gums,
minerals, and vegetables, outwardly applied, to prevent the growth of wool upon
two young lambs; and he hoped, in a reasonable time to propagate the breed of
naked sheep, all over the kingdom.

We crossed a walk to the other part of the academy, where, as I have already
said, the projectors in speculative learning resided.

The first professor I saw, was in a very large room, with forty pupils about
him. After salutation, observing me to look earnestly upon a frame, which took
up the greatest part of both the length and breadth of the room, he said,
"Perhaps I might wonder to see him employed in a project for improving
speculative knowledge, by practical and mechanical operations. But the world
would soon be sensible of its usefulness; and he flattered himself, that a more
noble, exalted thought never sprang in any other man's head. Every one knew how
laborious the usual method is of attaining to arts and sciences; whereas, by
his contrivance, the most ignorant person, at a reasonable charge, and with a
little bodily labour, might write books in philosophy, poetry, politics, laws,
mathematics, and theology, without the least assistance from genius or study."
He then led me to the frame, about the sides, whereof all his pupils stood in
ranks. It was twenty feet square, placed in the middle of the room. The
superfices was composed of several bits of wood, about the bigness of a die,
but some larger than others. They were all linked together by slender wires.
These bits of wood were covered, on every square, with paper pasted on them;
and on these papers were written all the words of their language, in their
several moods, tenses, and declensions; but without any order. The professor
then desired me "to observe; for he was going to set his engine at work." The
pupils, at his command, took each of them hold of an iron handle, whereof there
were forty fixed round the edges of the frame; and giving them a sudden turn,
the whole disposition of the words was entirely changed. He then commanded
six-and-thirty of the lads, to read the several lines softly, as they appeared
upon the frame; and where they found three or four words together that might
make part of a sentence, they dictated to the four remaining boys, who were
scribes. This work was repeated three or four times, and at every turn, the
engine was so contrived, that the words shifted into new places, as the square
bits of wood moved upside down.

Six hours a day the young students were employed in this labour; and the
professor showed me several volumes in large folio, already collected, of
broken sentences, which he intended to piece together, and out of those rich
materials, to give the world a complete body of all arts and sciences; which,
however, might be still improved, and much expedited, if the public would raise
a fund for making and employing five hundred such frames in Lagado, and oblige
the managers to contribute in common their several collections.

He assured me "that this invention had employed all his thoughts from his
youth; that he had emptied the whole vocabulary into his frame, and made the
strictest computation of the general proportion there is in books between the
numbers of particles, nouns, and verbs, and other parts of speech."

I made my humblest acknowledgment to this illustrious person, for his great
communicativeness; and promised, "if ever I had the good fortune to return to
my native country, that I would do him justice, as the sole inventor of this
wonderful machine;" the form and contrivance of which I desired leave to
delineate on paper, as in the figure here annexed. I told him, "although it
were the custom of our learned in Europe to steal inventions from each other,
who had thereby at least this advantage, that it became a controversy which was
the right owner; yet I would take such caution, that he should have the honour
entire, without a rival."

We next went to the school of languages, where three professors sat in
consultation upon improving that of their own country.

The first project was, to shorten discourse, by cutting polysyllables into one,
and leaving out verbs and participles, because, in reality, all things
imaginable are but norms.

The other project was, a scheme for entirely abolishing all words whatsoever;
and this was urged as a great advantage in point of health, as well as brevity.
For it is plain, that every word we speak is, in some degree, a diminution of
our lunge by corrosion, and, consequently, contributes to the shortening of our
lives. An expedient was therefore offered, "that since words are only names for
things, it would be more convenient for all men to carry about them such things
as were necessary to express a particular business they are to discourse on."
And this invention would certainly have taken place, to the great ease as well
as health of the subject, if the women, in conjunction with the vulgar and
illiterate, had not threatened to raise a rebellion unless they might be
allowed the liberty to speak with their tongues, after the manner of their
forefathers; such constant irreconcilable enemies to science are the common
people. However, many of the most learned and wise adhere to the new scheme of
expressing themselves by things; which has only this inconvenience attending
it, that if a man's business be very great, and of various kinds, he must be
obliged, in proportion, to carry a greater bundle of things upon his back,
unless he can afford one or two strong servants to attend him. I have often
beheld two of those sages almost sinking under the weight of their packs, like
pedlars among us, who, when they met in the street, would lay down their loads,
open their sacks, and hold conversation for an hour together; then put up their
implements, help each other to resume their burdens, and take their leave.

But for short conversations, a man may carry implements in his pockets, and
under his arms, enough to supply him; and in his house, he cannot be at a loss.
Therefore the room where company meet who practise this art, is full of all
things, ready at hand, requisite to furnish matter for this kind of artificial
converse.

Another great advantage proposed by this invention was, that it would serve as
a universal language, to be understood in all civilised nations, whose goods
and utensils are generally of the same kind, or nearly resembling, so that
their uses might easily be comprehended. And thus ambassadors would be
qualified to treat with foreign princes, or ministers of state, to whose
tongues they were utter strangers.

I was at the mathematical school, where the master taught his pupils after a
method scarce imaginable to us in Europe. The proposition, and demonstration,
were fairly written on a thin wafer, with ink composed of a cephalic tincture.
This, the student was to swallow upon a fasting stomach, and for three days
following, eat nothing but bread and water. As the wafer digested, the tincture
mounted to his brain, bearing the proposition along with it. But the success
has not hitherto been answerable, partly by some error in the quantum or
composition, and partly by the perverseness of lads, to whom this bolus is so
nauseous, that they generally steal aside, and discharge it upwards, before it
can operate; neither have they been yet persuaded to use so long an abstinence,
as the prescription requires.

CHAPTER VI.

[A further account of the academy. The author proposes some improvements, which
are honourably received.]

In the school of political projectors, I was but ill entertained; the
professors appearing, in my judgment, wholly out of their senses, which is a
scene that never fails to make me melancholy. These unhappy people were
proposing schemes for persuading monarchs to choose favourites upon the score
of their wisdom, capacity, and virtue; of teaching ministers to consult the
public good; of rewarding merit, great abilities, eminent services; of
instructing princes to know their true interest, by placing it on the same
foundation with that of their people; of choosing for employments persons
qualified to exercise them, with many other wild, impossible chimeras, that
never entered before into the heart of man to conceive; and confirmed in me the
old observation, "that there is nothing so extravagant and irrational, which
some philosophers have not maintained for truth."

But, however, I shall so far do justice to this part of the Academy, as to
acknowledge that all of them were not so visionary. There was a most ingenious
doctor, who seemed to be perfectly versed in the whole nature and system of
government. This illustrious person had very usefully employed his studies, in
finding out effectual remedies for all diseases and corruptions to which the
several kinds of public administration are subject, by the vices or infirmities
of those who govern, as well as by the licentiousness of those who are to obey.
For instance: whereas all writers and reasoners have agreed, that there is a
strict universal resemblance between the natural and the political body; can
there be any thing more evident, than that the health of both must be
preserved, and the diseases cured, by the same prescriptions? It is allowed,
that senates and great councils are often troubled with redundant, ebullient,
and other peccant humours; with many diseases of the head, and more of the
heart; with strong convulsions, with grievous contractions of the nerves and
sinews in both hands, but especially the right; with spleen, flatus, vertigos,
and deliriums; with scrofulous tumours, full of fetid purulent matter; with
sour frothy ructations: with canine appetites, and crudeness of digestion,
besides many others, needless to mention. This doctor therefore proposed, "that
upon the meeting of the senate, certain physicians should attend it the three
first days of their sitting, and at the close of each day's debate feel the
pulses of every senator; after which, having maturely considered and consulted
upon the nature of the several maladies, and the methods of cure, they should
on the fourth day return to the senate house, attended by their apothecaries
stored with proper medicines; and before the members sat, administer to each of
them lenitives, aperitives, abstersives, corrosives, restringents, palliatives,
laxatives, cephalalgics, icterics, apophlegmatics, acoustics, as their several
cases required; and, according as these medicines should operate, repeat,
alter, or omit them, at the next meeting."

This project could not be of any great expense to the public; and might in my
poor opinion, be of much use for the despatch of business, in those countries
where senates have any share in the legislative power; beget unanimity, shorten
debates, open a few mouths which are now closed, and close many more which are
now open; curb the petulancy of the young, and correct the positiveness of the
old; rouse the stupid, and damp the pert.

Again: because it is a general complaint, that the favourites of princes are
troubled with short and weak memories; the same doctor proposed, "that whoever
attended a first minister, after having told his business, with the utmost
brevity and in the plainest words, should, at his departure, give the said
minister a tweak by the nose, or a kick in the belly, or tread on his corns, or
lug him thrice by both ears, or run a pin into his breech; or pinch his arm
black and blue, to prevent forgetfulness; and at every levee day, repeat the
same operation, till the business were done, or absolutely refused."

He likewise directed, "that every senator in the great council of a nation,
after he had delivered his opinion, and argued in the defence of it, should be
obliged to give his vote directly contrary; because if that were done, the
result would infallibly terminate in the good of the public."

When parties in a state are violent, he offered a wonderful contrivance to
reconcile them. The method is this: You take a hundred leaders of each party;
you dispose them into couples of such whose heads are nearest of a size; then
let two nice operators saw off the occiput of each couple at the same time, in
such a manner that the brain may be equally divided. Let the occiputs, thus cut
off, be interchanged, applying each to the head of his opposite party-man. It
seems indeed to be a work that requires some exactness, but the professor
assured us, "that if it were dexterously performed, the cure would be
infallible." For he argued thus: "that the two half brains being left to debate
the matter between themselves within the space of one skull, would soon come to
a good understanding, and produce that moderation, as well as regularity of
thinking, so much to be wished for in the heads of those, who imagine they come
into the world only to watch and govern its motion: and as to the difference of
brains, in quantity or quality, among those who are directors in faction, the
doctor assured us, from his own knowledge, that "it was a perfect trifle."

I heard a very warm debate between two professors, about the most commodious
and effectual ways and means of raising money, without grieving the subject.
The first affirmed, "the justest method would be, to lay a certain tax upon
vices and folly; and the sum fixed upon every man to be rated, after the
fairest manner, by a jury of his neighbours." The second was of an opinion
directly contrary; "to tax those qualities of body and mind, for which men
chiefly value themselves; the rate to be more or less, according to the degrees
of excelling; the decision whereof should be left entirely to their own
breast." The highest tax was upon men who are the greatest favourites of the
other sex, and the assessments, according to the number and nature of the
favours they have received; for which, they are allowed to be their own
vouchers. Wit, valour, and politeness, were likewise proposed to be largely
taxed, and collected in the same manner, by every person's giving his own word
for the quantum of what he possessed. But as to honour, justice, wisdom, and
learning, they should not be taxed at all; because they are qualifications of
so singular a kind, that no man will either allow them in his neighbour or
value them in himself.

The women were proposed to be taxed according to their beauty and skill in
dressing, wherein they had the same privilege with the men, to be determined by
their own judgment. But constancy, chastity, good sense, and good nature, were
not rated, because they would not bear the charge of collecting.

To keep senators in the interest of the crown, it was proposed that the members
should raffle for employment; every man first taking an oath, and giving
security, that he would vote for the court, whether he won or not; after which,
the losers had, in their turn, the liberty of raffling upon the next vacancy.
Thus, hope and expectation would be kept alive; none would complain of broken
promises, but impute their disappointments wholly to fortune, whose shoulders
are broader and stronger than those of a ministry.

Another professor showed me a large paper of instructions for discovering plots
and conspiracies against the government. He advised great statesmen to examine
into the diet of all suspected persons; their times of eating; upon which side
they lay in bed; with which hand they wipe their posteriors; take a strict view
of their excrements, and, from the colour, the odour, the taste, the
consistence, the crudeness or maturity of digestion, form a judgment of their
thoughts and designs; because men are never so serious, thoughtful, and intent,
as when they are at stool, which he found by frequent experiment; for, in such
conjunctures, when he used, merely as a trial, to consider which was the best
way of murdering the king, his ordure would have a tincture of green; but quite
different, when he thought only of raising an insurrection, or burning the
metropolis.

The whole discourse was written with great acuteness, containing many
observations, both curious and useful for politicians; but, as I conceived, not
altogether complete. This I ventured to tell the author, and offered, if he
pleased, to supply him with some additions. He received my proposition with
more compliance than is usual among writers, especially those of the projecting
species, professing "he would be glad to receive further information."

I told him, "that in the kingdom of Tribnia,~^ by the natives called Langdon,~^
where I had sojourned some time in my travels, the bulk of the people consist
in a manner wholly of discoverers, witnesses, informers, accusers, prosecutors,
evidences, swearers, together with their several subservient and subaltern
instruments, all under the colours, the conduct, and the pay of ministers of
state, and their deputies. The plots, in that kingdom, are usually the
workmanship of those persons who desire to raise their own characters of
profound politicians; to restore new vigour to a crazy administration; to
stifle or divert general discontents; to fill their coffers with forfeitures;
and raise, or sink the opinion of public credit, as either shall best answer
their private advantage. It is first agreed and settled among them, what
suspected persons shall be accused of a plot; then, effectual care is taken to
secure all their letters and papers, and put the owners in chains. These papers
are delivered to a set of artists, very dexterous in finding out the mysterious
meanings of words, syllables, and letters: for instance, they can discover a
close stool, to signify a privy council; a flock of geese, a senate; a lame
dog, an invader; the plague, a standing army; a buzzard, a prime minister; the
gout, a high priest; a gibbet, a secretary of state; a chamber pot, a committee
of grandees; a sieve, a court lady; a broom, a revolution; a mouse-trap, an
employment; a bottomless pit, a treasury; a sink, a court; a cap and bells, a
favourite; a broken reed, a court of justice; an empty tun, a general; a
running sore, the administration.~^

"When this method fails, they have two others more effectual, which the learned
among them call acrostics and anagrams. First, they can decipher all initial
letters into political meanings. Thus N, shall signify a plot; B, a regiment of
horse; L, a fleet at sea; or, secondly, by transposing the letters of the
alphabet in any suspected paper, they can lay open the deepest designs of a
discontented party. So, for example, if I should say, in a letter to a friend,
'Our brother Tom has just got the piles,' a skilful decipherer would discover,
that the same letters which compose that sentence, may be analysed into the
following words, 'Resist -, a plot is brought home--The tour.' And this is the
anagrammatic method."

The professor made me great acknowledgments for communicating these
observations, and promised to make honourable mention of me in his treatise.

I saw nothing in this country that could invite me to a longer continuance, and
began to think of returning home to England.

CHAPTER VII.

[The author leaves Lagado: arrives at Maldonada. No ship ready. He takes a
short voyage to Glubbdubdrib. His reception by the governor.]

The continent, of which this kingdom is apart, extends itself, as I have reason
to believe, eastward, to that unknown tract of America westward of California;
and north, to the Pacific Ocean, which is not above a hundred and fifty miles
from Lagado; where there is a good port, and much commerce with the great
island of Luggnagg, situated to the north-west about 29 degrees north latitude,
and 140 longitude. This island of Luggnagg stands south-eastward of Japan,
about a hundred leagues distant. There is a strict alliance between the
Japanese emperor and the king of Luggnagg; which affords frequent opportunities
of sailing from one island to the other. I determined therefore to direct my
course this way, in order to my return to Europe. I hired two mules, with a
guide, to show me the way, and carry my small baggage. I took leave of my noble
protector, who had shown me so much favour, and made me a generous present at
my departure.

My journey was without any accident or adventure worth relating. When I arrived
at the port of Maldonada (for so it is called) there was no ship in the harbour
bound for Luggnagg, nor likely to be in some time. The town is about as large
as Portsmouth. I soon fell into some acquaintance, and was very hospitably
received. A gentleman of distinction said to me, "that since the ships bound
for Luggnagg could not be ready in less than a month, it might be no
disagreeable amusement for me to take a trip to the little island of
Glubbdubdrib, about five leagues off to the south-west." He offered himself and
a friend to accompany me, and that I should be provided with a small convenient
bark for the voyage.

Glubbdubdrib, as nearly as I can interpret the word, signifies the island of
sorcerers or magicians. It is about one third as large as the Isle of Wight,
and extremely fruitful: it is governed by the head of a certain tribe, who are
all magicians. This tribe marries only among each other, and the eldest in
succession is prince or governor. He has a noble palace, and a park of about
three thousand acres, surrounded by a wall of hewn stone twenty feet high. In
this park are several small enclosures for cattle, corn, and gardening.

The governor and his family are served and attended by domestics of a kind
somewhat unusual. By his skill in necromancy he has a power of calling whom he
pleases from the dead, and commanding their service for twenty-four hours, but
no longer; nor can he call the same persons up again in less than three months,
except upon very extraordinary occasions.

When we arrived at the island, which was about eleven in the morning, one of
the gentlemen who accompanied me went to the governor, and desired admittance
for a stranger, who came on purpose to have the honour of attending on his
highness. This was immediately granted, and we all three entered the gate of
the palace between two rows of guards, armed and dressed after a very antic
manner, and with something in their countenances that made my flesh creep with
a horror I cannot express. We passed through several apartments, between
servants of the same sort, ranked on each side as before, till we came to the
chamber of presence; where, after three profound obeisances, and a few general
questions, we were permitted to sit on three stools, near the lowest step of
his highness's throne. He understood the language of Balnibarbi, although it
was different from that of this island. He desired me to give him some account
of my travels; and, to let me see that I should be treated without ceremony, he
dismissed all his attendants with a turn of his finger; at which, to my great
astonishment, they vanished in an instant, like visions in a dream when we
awake on a sudden. I could not recover myself in some time, till the governor
assured me, "that I should receive no hurt:" and observing my two companions to
be under no concern, who had been often entertained in the same manner, I began
to take courage, and related to his highness a short history of my several
adventures; yet not without some hesitation, and frequently looking behind me
to the place where I had seen those domestic spectres. I had the honour to dine
with the governor, where a new set of ghosts served up the meat, and waited at
table. I now observed myself to be less terrified than I had been in the
morning. I stayed till sunset, but humbly desired his highness to excuse me for
not accepting his invitation of lodging in the palace. My two friends and I lay
at a private house in the town adjoining, which is the capital of this little
island; and the next morning we returned to pay our duty to the governor, as he
was pleased to command us.

After this manner we continued in the island for ten days, most part of every
day with the governor, and at night in our lodging. I soon grew so familiarized
to the sight of spirits, that after the third or fourth time they gave me no
emotion at all: or, if I had any apprehensions left, my curiosity prevailed
over them. For his highness the governor ordered me "to call up whatever
persons I would choose to name, and in whatever numbers, among all the dead
from the beginning of the world to the present time, and command them to answer
any questions I should think fit to ask; with this condition, that my questions
must be confined within the compass of the times they lived in. And one thing I
might depend upon, that they would certainly tell me the truth, for lying was a
talent of no use in the lower world."

I made my humble acknowledgments to his highness for so great a favour. We were
in a chamber, from whence there was a fair prospect into the park. And because
my first inclination was to be entertained with scenes of pomp and
magnificence, I desired to see Alexander the Great at the head of his army,
just after the battle of Arbela: which, upon a motion of the governor's finger,
immediately appeared in a large field, under the window where we stood.
Alexander was called up into the room: it was with great difficulty that I
understood his Greek, and had but little of my own. He assured me upon his
honour "that he was not poisoned, but died of a bad fever by excessive
drinking."

Next, I saw Hannibal passing the Alps, who told me "he had not a drop of
vinegar in his camp."

I saw Caesar and Pompey at the head of their troops, just ready to engage. I
saw the former, in his last great triumph. I desired that the senate of Rome
might appear before me, in one large chamber, and an assembly of somewhat a
later age in counterview, in another. The first seemed to be an assembly of
heroes and demigods; the other, a knot of pedlars, pick-pockets, highwayman,
and bullies.

The governor, at my request, gave the sign for Caesar and Brutus to advance
towards us. I was struck with a profound veneration at the sight of Brutus, and
could easily discover the most consummate virtue, the greatest intrepidity and
firmness of mind, the truest love of his country, and general benevolence for
mankind, in every lineament of his countenance. I observed, with much pleasure,
that these two persons were in good intelligence with each other; and Caesar
freely confessed to me, "that the greatest actions of his own life were not
equal, by many degrees, to the glory of taking it away." I had the honour to
have much conversation with Brutus; and was told, "that his ancestor Junius,
Socrates, Epaminondas, Cato the younger, Sir Thomas More, and himself were
perpetually together:" a sextumvirate, to which all the ages of the world
cannot add a seventh.

It would be tedious to trouble the reader with relating what vast numbers of
illustrious persons were called up to gratify that insatiable desire I had to
see the world in every period of antiquity placed before me. I chiefly fed mine
eyes with beholding the destroyers of tyrants and usurpers, and the restorers
of liberty to oppressed and injured nations. But it is impossible to express
the satisfaction I received in my own mind, after such a manner as to make it a
suitable entertainment to the reader.

CHAPTER VIII.

[A further account of Glubbdubdrib. Ancient and modern history corrected.]

Having a desire to see those ancients who were most renowned for wit and
learning, I set apart one day on purpose. I proposed that Homer and Aristotle
might appear at the head of all their commentators; but these were so numerous,
that some hundreds were forced to attend in the court, and outward rooms of the
palace. I knew, and could distinguish those two heroes, at first sight, not
only from the crowd, but from each other. Homer was the taller and comelier
person of the two, walked very erect for one of his age, and his eyes were the
most quick and piercing I ever beheld. Aristotle stooped much, and made use of
a staff. His visage was meagre, his hair lank and thin, and his voice hollow. I
soon discovered that both of them were perfect strangers to the rest of the
company, and had never seen or heard of them before; and I had a whisper from a
ghost who shall be nameless, "that these commentators always kept in the most
distant quarters from their principals, in the lower world, through a
consciousness of shame and guilt, because they had so horribly misrepresented
the meaning of those authors to posterity." I introduced Didymus and Eustathius
to Homer, and prevailed on him to treat them better than perhaps they deserved,
for he soon found they wanted a genius to enter into the spirit of a poet. But
Aristotle was out of all patience with the account I gave him of Scotus and
Ramus, as I presented them to him; and he asked them, "whether the rest of the
tribe were as great dunces as themselves?"

I then desired the governor to call up Descartes and Gassendi, with whom I
prevailed to explain their systems to Aristotle. This great philosopher freely
acknowledged his own mistakes in natural philosophy, because he proceeded in
many things upon conjecture, as all men must do; and he found that Gassendi,
who had made the doctrine of Epicurus as palatable as he could, and the
vortices of Descartes, were equally to be exploded. He predicted the same fate
to ATTRACTION, whereof the present learned are such zealous asserters. He said,
"that new systems of nature were but new fashions, which would vary in every
age; and even those, who pretend to demonstrate them from mathematical
principles, would flourish but a short period of time, and be out of vogue when
that was determined."

I spent five days in conversing with many others of the ancient learned. I saw
most of the first Roman emperors. I prevailed on the governor to call up
Heliogabalus's cooks to dress us a dinner, but they could not show us much of
their skill, for want of materials. A helot of Agesilaus made us a dish of
Spartan broth, but I was not able to get down a second spoonful.

The two gentlemen, who conducted me to the island, were pressed by their
private affairs to return in three days, which I employed in seeing some of the
modern dead, who had made the greatest figure, for two or three hundred years
past, in our own and other countries of Europe; and having been always a great
admirer of old illustrious families, I desired the governor would call up a
dozen or two of kings, with their ancestors in order for eight or nine
generations. But my disappointment was grievous and unexpected. For, instead of
a long train with royal diadems, I saw in one family two fiddlers, three spruce
courtiers, and an Italian prelate. In another, a barber, an abbot, and two
cardinals. I have too great a veneration for crowned heads, to dwell any longer
on so nice a subject. But as to counts, marquises, dukes, earls, and the like,
I was not so scrupulous. And I confess, it was not without some pleasure, that
I found myself able to trace the particular features, by which certain families
are distinguished, up to their originals. I could plainly discover whence one
family derives a long chin; why a second has abounded with knaves for two
generations, and fools for two more; why a third happened to be crack-brained,
and a fourth to be sharpers; whence it came, what Polydore Virgil says of a
certain great house, Nec vir fortis, nec foemina casta; how cruelty, falsehood,
and cowardice, grew to be characteristics by which certain families are
distinguished as much as by their coats of arms; who first brought the pox into
a noble house, which has lineally descended scrofulous tumours to their
posterity. Neither could I wonder at all this, when I saw such an interruption
of lineages, by pages, lackeys, valets, coachmen, gamesters, fiddlers, players,
captains, and pickpockets.

I was chiefly disgusted with modern history. For having strictly examined all
the persons of greatest name in the courts of princes, for a hundred years
past, I found how the world had been misled by prostitute writers, to ascribe
the greatest exploits in war, to cowards; the wisest counsel, to fools;
sincerity, to flatterers; Roman virtue, to betrayers of their country; piety,
to atheists; chastity, to sodomites; truth, to informers: how many innocent and
excellent persons had been condemned to death or banishment by the practising
of great ministers upon the corruption of judges, and the malice of factions:
how many villains had been exalted to the highest places of trust, power,
dignity, and profit: how great a share in the motions and events of courts,
councils, and senates might be challenged by bawds, whores, pimps, parasites,
and buffoons. How low an opinion I had of human wisdom and integrity, when I
was truly informed of the springs and motives of great enterprises and
revolutions in the world, and of the contemptible accidents to which they owed
their success.

Here I discovered the roguery and ignorance of those who pretend to write
anecdotes, or secret history; who send so many kings to their graves with a cup
of poison; will repeat the discourse between a prince and chief minister, where
no witness was by; unlock the thoughts and cabinets of ambassadors and
secretaries of state; and have the perpetual misfortune to be mistaken. Here I
discovered the true causes of many great events that have surprised the world;
how a whore can govern the back-stairs, the back-stairs a council, and the
council a senate. A general confessed, in my presence, "that he got a victory
purely by the force of cowardice and ill conduct;" and an admiral, "that, for
want of proper intelligence, he beat the enemy, to whom he intended to betray
the fleet." Three kings protested to me, "that in their whole reigns they never
did once prefer any person of merit, unless by mistake, or treachery of some
minister in whom they confided; neither would they do it if they were to live
again:" and they showed, with great strength of reason, "that the royal throne
could not be supported without corruption, because that positive, confident,
restiff temper, which virtue infused into a man, was a perpetual clog to public
business."

I had the curiosity to inquire in a particular manner, by what methods great
numbers had procured to themselves high titles of honour, and prodigious
estates; and I confined my inquiry to a very modern period: however, without
grating upon present times, because I would be sure to give no offence even to
foreigners (for I hope the reader need not be told, that I do not in the least
intend my own country, in what I say upon this occasion,) a great number of
persons concerned were called up; and, upon a very slight examination,
discovered such a scene of infamy, that I cannot reflect upon it without some
seriousness. Perjury, oppression, subornation, fraud, pandarism, and the like
infirmities, were among the most excusable arts they had to mention; and for
these I gave, as it was reasonable, great allowance. But when some confessed
they owed their greatness and wealth to sodomy, or incest; others, to the
prostituting of their own wives and daughters; others, to the betraying of
their country or their prince; some, to poisoning; more to the perverting of
justice, in order to destroy the innocent, I hope I may be pardoned, if these
discoveries inclined me a little to abate of that profound veneration, which I
am naturally apt to pay to persons of high rank, who ought to be treated with
the utmost respect due to their sublime dignity, by us their inferiors.

I had often read of some great services done to princes and states, and desired
to see the persons by whom those services were performed. Upon inquiry I was
told, "that their names were to be found on no record, except a few of them,
whom history has represented as the vilest of rogues and traitors." As to the
rest, I had never once heard of them. They all appeared with dejected looks,
and in the meanest habit; most of them telling me, "they died in poverty and
disgrace, and the rest on a scaffold or a gibbet."

Among others, there was one person, whose case appeared a little singular. He
had a youth about eighteen years old standing by his side. He told me, "he had
for many years been commander of a ship; and in the sea fight at Actium had the
good fortune to break through the enemy's great line of battle, sink three of
their capital ships, and take a fourth, which was the sole cause of Antony's
flight, and of the victory that ensued; that the youth standing by him, his
only son, was killed in the action." He added, "that upon the confidence of
some merit, the war being at an end, he went to Rome, and solicited at the
court of Augustus to be preferred to a greater ship, whose commander had been
killed; but, without any regard to his pretensions, it was given to a boy who
had never seen the sea, the son of Libertina, who waited on one of the
emperor's mistresses. Returning back to his own vessel, he was charged with
neglect of duty, and the ship given to a favourite page of Publicola, the
vice-admiral; whereupon he retired to a poor farm at a great distance from
Rome, and there ended his life." I was so curious to know the truth of this
story, that I desired Agrippa might be called, who was admiral in that fight.
He appeared, and confirmed the whole account: but with much more advantage to
the captain, whose modesty had extenuated or concealed a great part of his
merit.

I was surprised to find corruption grown so high and so quick in that empire,
by the force of luxury so lately introduced; which made me less wonder at many
parallel cases in other countries, where vices of all kinds have reigned so
much longer, and where the whole praise, as well as pillage, has been engrossed
by the chief commander, who perhaps had the least title to either.

As every person called up made exactly the same appearance he had done in the
world, it gave me melancholy reflections to observe how much the race of human
kind was degenerated among us within these hundred years past; how the pox,
under all its consequences and denominations had altered every lineament of an
English countenance; shortened the size of bodies, unbraced the nerves, relaxed
the sinews and muscles, introduced a sallow complexion, and rendered the flesh
loose and rancid.

I descended so low, as to desire some English yeoman of the old stamp might be
summoned to appear; once so famous for the simplicity of their manners, diet,
and dress; for justice in their dealings; for their true spirit of liberty; for
their valour, and love of their country. Neither could I be wholly unmoved,
after comparing the living with the dead, when I considered how all these pure
native virtues were prostituted for a piece of money by their grand-children;
who, in selling their votes and managing at elections, have acquired every vice
and corruption that can possibly be learned in a court.

CHAPTER IX.

[The author returns to Maldonada. Sails to the kingdom of Luggnagg. The author
confined. He is sent for to court. The manner of his admittance. The king's
great lenity to his subjects.]

The day of our departure being come, I took leave of his highness, the Governor
of Glubbdubdrib, and returned with my two companions to Maldonada, where, after
a fortnight's waiting, a ship was ready to sail for Luggnagg. The two
gentlemen, and some others, were so generous and kind as to furnish me with
provisions, and see me on board. I was a month in this voyage. We had one
violent storm, and were under a necessity of steering westward to get into the
trade wind, which holds for above sixty leagues. On the 21st of April, 1708, we
sailed into the river of Clumegnig, which is a seaport town, at the south-east
point of Luggnagg. We cast anchor within a league of the town, and made a
signal for a pilot. Two of them came on board in less than half an hour, by
whom we were guided between certain shoals and rocks, which are very dangerous
in the passage, to a large basin, where a fleet may ride in safety within a
cable's length of the town-wall.

Some of our sailors, whether out of treachery or inadvertence, had informed the
pilots "that I was a stranger, and great traveller;" whereof these gave notice
to a custom-house officer, by whom I was examined very strictly upon my
landing. This officer spoke to me in the language of Balnibarbi, which, by the
force of much commerce, is generally understood in that town, especially by
seamen and those employed in the customs. I gave him a short account of some
particulars, and made my story as plausible and consistent as I could; but I
thought it necessary to disguise my country, and call myself a Hollander;
because my intentions were for Japan, and I knew the Dutch were the only
Europeans permitted to enter into that kingdom. I therefore told the officer,
"that having been shipwrecked on the coast of Balnibarbi, and cast on a rock, I
was received up into Laputa, or the flying island (of which he had often
heard), and was now endeavouring to get to Japan, whence I might find a
convenience of returning to my own country." The officer said, "I must be
confined till he could receive orders from court, for which he would write
immediately, and hoped to receive an answer in a fortnight." I was carried to a
convenient lodging with a sentry placed at the door; however, I had the liberty
of a large garden, and was treated with humanity enough, being maintained all
the time at the king's charge. I was invited by several persons, chiefly out of
curiosity, because it was reported that I came from countries very remote, of
which they had never heard.

I hired a young man, who came in the same ship, to be an interpreter; he was a
native of Luggnagg, but had lived some years at Maldonada, and was a perfect
master of both languages. By his assistance, I was able to hold a conversation
with those who came to visit me; but this consisted only of their questions,
and my answers.

The despatch came from court about the time we expected. It contained a warrant
for conducting me and my retinue to Traldragdubh, or Trildrogdrib (for it is
pronounced both ways as near as I can remember), by a party of ten horse. All
my retinue was that poor lad for an interpreter, whom I persuaded into my
service, and, at my humble request, we had each of us a mule to ride on. A
messenger was despatched half a day's journey before us, to give the king
notice of my approach, and to desire, "that his majesty would please to appoint
a day and hour, when it would by his gracious pleasure that I might have the
honour to lick the dust before his footstool." This is the court style, and I
found it to be more than matter of form: for, upon my admittance two days after
my arrival, I was commanded to crawl upon my belly, and lick the floor as I
advanced; but, on account of my being a stranger, care was taken to have it
made so clean, that the dust was not offensive. However, this was a peculiar
grace, not allowed to any but persons of the highest rank, when they desire an
admittance. Nay, sometimes the floor is strewed with dust on purpose, when the
person to be admitted happens to have powerful enemies at court; and I have
seen a great lord with his mouth so crammed, that when he had crept to the
proper distance from the throne; he was not able to speak a word. Neither is
there any remedy; because it is capital for those, who receive an audience to
spit or wipe their mouths in his majesty's presence. There is indeed another
custom, which I cannot altogether approve of: when the king has a mind to put
any of his nobles to death in a gentle indulgent manner, he commands the floor
to be strewed with a certain brown powder of a deadly composition, which being
licked up, infallibly kills him in twenty-four hours. But in justice to this
prince's great clemency, and the care he has of his subjects' lives (wherein it
were much to be wished that the Monarchs of Europe would imitate him), it must
be mentioned for his honour, that strict orders are given to have the infected
parts of the floor well washed after every such execution, which, if his
domestics neglect, they are in danger of incurring his royal displeasure. I
myself heard him give directions, that one of his pages should be whipped,
whose turn it was to give notice about washing the floor after an execution,
but maliciously had omitted it; by which neglect a young lord of great hopes,
coming to an audience, was unfortunately poisoned, although the king at that
time had no design against his life. But this good prince was so gracious as to
forgive the poor page his whipping, upon promise that he would do so no more,
without special orders.

To return from this digression. When I had crept within four yards of the
throne, I raised myself gently upon my knees, and then striking my forehead
seven times against the ground, I pronounced the following words, as they had
been taught me the night before, Inckpling gloffthrobb squut serummblhiop
mlashnalt zwin tnodbalkuffh slhiophad gurdlubh asht. This is the compliment,
established by the laws of the land, for all persons admitted to the king's
presence. It may be rendered into English thus: "May your celestial majesty
outlive the sun, eleven moons and a half!" To this the king returned some
answer, which, although I could not understand, yet I replied as I had been
directed: Fluft drin yalerick dwuldom prastrad mirpush, which properly
signifies, "My tongue is in the mouth of my friend;" and by this expression was
meant, that I desired leave to bring my interpreter; whereupon the young man
already mentioned was accordingly introduced, by whose intervention I answered
as many questions as his majesty could put in above an hour. I spoke in the
Balnibarbian tongue, and my interpreter delivered my meaning in that of
Luggnagg.

The king was much delighted with my company, and ordered his bliffmarklub, or
high-chamberlain, to appoint a lodging in the court for me and my interpreter;
with a daily allowance for my table, and a large purse of gold for my common
expenses.

I staid three months in this country, out of perfect obedience to his majesty;
who was pleased highly to favour me, and made me very honourable offers. But I
thought it more consistent with prudence and justice to pass the remainder of
my days with my wife and family.

CHAPTER X.

[The Luggnaggians commended. A particular description of the Struldbrugs, with
many conversations between the author and some eminent persons upon that
subject.]

The Luggnaggians are a polite and generous people; and although they are not
without some share of that pride which is peculiar to all Eastern countries,
yet they show themselves courteous to strangers, especially such who are
countenanced by the court. I had many acquaintance, and among persons of the
best fashion; and being always attended by my interpreter, the conversation we
had was not disagreeable.

One day, in much good company, I was asked by a person of quality, "whether I
had seen any of their struldbrugs, or immortals?" I said, "I had not;" and
desired he would explain to me "what he meant by such an appellation, applied
to a mortal creature." He told me "that sometimes, though very rarely, a child
happened to be born in a family, with a red circular spot in the forehead,
directly over the left eyebrow, which was an infallible mark that it should
never die." The spot, as he described it, "was about the compass of a silver
threepence, but in the course of time grew larger, and changed its colour; for
at twelve years old it became green, so continued till five and twenty, then
turned to a deep blue: at five and forty it grew coal black, and as large as an
English shilling; but never admitted any further alteration." He said, "these
births were so rare, that he did not believe there could be above eleven
hundred struldbrugs, of both sexes, in the whole kingdom; of which he computed
about fifty in the metropolis, and, among the rest, a young girl born; about
three years ago: that these productions were not peculiar to any family, but a
mere effect of chance; and the children of the struldbrugs themselves were
equally mortal with the rest of the people."

I freely own myself to have been struck with inexpressible delight, upon
hearing this account: and the person who gave it me happening to understand the
Balnibarbian language, which I spoke very well, I could not forbear breaking
out into expressions, perhaps a little too extravagant. I cried out, as in a
rapture, "Happy nation, where every child hath at least a chance for being
immortal! Happy people, who enjoy so many living examples of ancient virtue,
and have masters ready to instruct them in the wisdom of all former ages! but
happiest, beyond all comparison, are those excellent struldbrugs, who, being
born exempt from that universal calamity of human nature, have their minds free
and disengaged, without the weight and depression of spirits caused by the
continual apprehensions of death!" I discovered my admiration that I had not
observed any of these illustrious persons at court; the black spot on the
forehead being so remarkable a distinction, that I could not have easily
overlooked it: and it was impossible that his majesty, a most judicious prince,
should not provide himself with a good number of such wise and able
counsellors. Yet perhaps the virtue of those reverend sages was too strict for
the corrupt and libertine manners of a court: and we often find by experience,
that young men are too opinionated and volatile to be guided by the sober
dictates of their seniors. However, since the king was pleased to allow me
access to his royal person, I was resolved, upon the very first occasion, to
deliver my opinion to him on this matter freely and at large, by the help of my
interpreter; and whether he would please to take my advice or not, yet in one
thing I was determined, that his majesty having frequently offered me an
establishment in this country, I would, with great thankfulness, accept the
favour, and pass my life here in the conversation of those superior beings the
struldbrugs, if they would please to admit me."

The gentleman to whom I addressed my discourse, because (as I have already
observed) he spoke the language of Balnibarbi, said to me, with a sort of a
smile which usually arises from pity to the ignorant, "that he was glad of any
occasion to keep me among them, and desired my permission to explain to the
company what I had spoke." He did so, and they talked together for some time in
their own language, whereof I understood not a syllable, neither could I
observe by their countenances, what impression my discourse had made on them.
After a short silence, the same person told me, "that his friends and mine (so
he thought fit to express himself) were very much pleased with the judicious
remarks I had made on the great happiness and advantages of immortal life, and
they were desirous to know, in a particular manner, what scheme of living I
should have formed to myself, if it had fallen to my lot to have been born a
struldbrug."

I answered, "it was easy to be eloquent on so copious and delightful a subject,
especially to me, who had been often apt to amuse myself with visions of what I
should do, if I were a king, a general, or a great lord: and upon this very
case, I had frequently run over the whole system how I should employ myself,
and pass the time, if I were sure to live for ever.

"That, if it had been my good fortune to come into the world a struldbrug, as
soon as I could discover my own happiness, by understanding the difference
between life and death, I would first resolve, by all arts and methods,
whatsoever, to procure myself riches. In the pursuit of which, by thrift and
management, I might reasonably expect, in about two hundred years, to be the
wealthiest man in the kingdom. In the second place, I would, from my earliest
youth, apply myself to the study of arts and sciences, by which I should arrive
in time to excel all others in learning. Lastly, I would carefully record every
action and event of consequence, that happened in the public, impartially draw
the characters of the several successions of princes and great ministers of
state, with my own observations on every point. I would exactly set down the
several changes in customs, language, fashions of dress, diet, and diversions.
By all which acquirements, I should be a living treasure of knowledge and
wisdom, and certainly become the oracle of the nation.

"I would never marry after threescore, but live in a hospitable manner, yet
still on the saving side. I would entertain myself in forming and directing the
minds of hopeful young men, by convincing them, from my own remembrance,
experience, and observation, fortified by numerous examples, of the usefulness
of virtue in public and private life. But my choice and constant companions
should be a set of my own immortal brotherhood; among whom, I would elect a
dozen from the most ancient, down to my own contemporaries. Where any of these
wanted fortunes, I would provide them with convenient lodges round my own
estate, and have some of them always at my table; only mingling a few of the
most valuable among you mortals, whom length of time would harden me to lose
with little or no reluctance, and treat your posterity after the same manner;
just as a man diverts himself with the annual succession of pinks and tulips in
his garden, without regretting the loss of those which withered the preceding
year.

"These struldbrugs and I would mutually communicate our observations and
memorials, through the course of time; remark the several gradations by which
corruption steals into the world, and oppose it in every step, by giving
perpetual warning and instruction to mankind; which, added to the strong
influence of our own example, would probably prevent that continual degeneracy
of human nature so justly complained of in all ages.

"Add to this, the pleasure of seeing the various revolutions of states and
empires; the changes in the lower and upper world; ancient cities in ruins, and
obscure villages become the seats of kings; famous rivers lessening into
shallow brooks; the ocean leaving one coast dry, and overwhelming another; the
discovery of many countries yet unknown; barbarity overrunning the politest
nations, and the most barbarous become civilized. I should then see the
discovery of the longitude, the perpetual motion, the universal medicine, and
many other great inventions, brought to the utmost perfection.

"What wonderful discoveries should we make in astronomy, by outliving and
confirming our own predictions; by observing the progress and return of comets,
with the changes of motion in the sun, moon, and stars!"

I enlarged upon many other topics, which the natural desire of endless life,
and sublunary happiness, could easily furnish me with. When I had ended, and
the sum of my discourse had been interpreted, as before, to the rest of the
company, there was a good deal of talk among them in the language of the
country, not without some laughter at my expense. At last, the same gentleman
who had been my interpreter, said, "he was desired by the rest to set me right
in a few mistakes, which I had fallen into through the common imbecility of
human nature, and upon that allowance was less answerable for them. That this
breed of struldbrugs was peculiar to their country, for there were no such
people either in Balnibarbi or Japan, where he had the honour to be ambassador
from his majesty, and found the natives in both those kingdoms very hard to
believe that the fact was possible: and it appeared from my astonishment when
he first mentioned the matter to me, that I received it as a thing wholly new,
and scarcely to be credited. That in the two kingdoms above mentioned, where,
during his residence, he had conversed very much, he observed long life to be
the universal desire and wish of mankind. That whoever had one foot in the
grave was sure to hold back the other as strongly as he could. That the oldest
had still hopes of living one day longer, and looked on death as the greatest
evil, from which nature always prompted him to retreat. Only in this island of
Luggnagg the appetite for living was not so eager, from the continual example
of the struldbrugs before their eyes.

"That the system of living contrived by me, was unreasonable and unjust;
because it supposed a perpetuity of youth, health, and vigour, which no man
could be so foolish to hope, however extravagant he may be in his wishes. That
the question therefore was not, whether a man would choose to be always in the
prime of youth, attended with prosperity and health; but how he would pass a
perpetual life under all the usual disadvantages which old age brings along
with it. For although few men will avow their desires of being immortal, upon
such hard conditions, yet in the two kingdoms before mentioned, of Balnibarbi
and Japan, he observed that every man desired to put off death some time
longer, let it approach ever so late: and he rarely heard of any man who died
willingly, except he were incited by the extremity of grief or torture. And he
appealed to me, whether in those countries I had travelled, as well as my own,
I had not observed the same general disposition."

After this preface, he gave me a particular account of the struldbrugs among
them. He said, "they commonly acted like mortals till about thirty years old;
after which, by degrees, they grew melancholy and dejected, increasing in both
till they came to fourscore. This he learned from their own confession: for
otherwise, there not being above two or three of that species born in an age,
they were too few to form a general observation by. When they came to fourscore
years, which is reckoned the extremity of living in this country, they had not
only all the follies and infirmities of other old men, but many more which
arose from the dreadful prospect of never dying. They were not only
opinionative, peevish, covetous, morose, vain, talkative, but incapable of
friendship, and dead to all natural affection, which never descended below
their grandchildren. Envy and impotent desires are their prevailing passions.
But those objects against which their envy seems principally directed, are the
vices of the younger sort and the deaths of the old. By reflecting on the
former, they find themselves cut off from all possibility of pleasure; and
whenever they see a funeral, they lament and repine that others have gone to a
harbour of rest to which they themselves never can hope to arrive. They have no
remembrance of anything but what they learned and observed in their youth and
middle-age, and even that is very imperfect; and for the truth or particulars
of any fact, it is safer to depend on common tradition, than upon their best
recollections. The least miserable among them appear to be those who turn to
dotage, and entirely lose their memories; these meet with more pity and
assistance, because they want many bad qualities which abound in others.

"If a struldbrug happen to marry one of his own kind, the marriage is dissolved
of course, by the courtesy of the kingdom, as soon as the younger of the two
comes to be fourscore; for the law thinks it a reasonable indulgence, that
those who are condemned, without any fault of their own, to a perpetual
continuance in the world, should not have their misery doubled by the load of a
wife.

"As soon as they have completed the term of eighty years, they are looked on as
dead in law; their heirs immediately succeed to their estates; only a small
pittance is reserved for their support; and the poor ones are maintained at the
public charge. After that period, they are held incapable of any employment of
trust or profit; they cannot purchase lands, or take leases; neither are they
allowed to be witnesses in any cause, either civil or criminal, not even for
the decision of meers and bounds.

"At ninety, they lose their teeth and hair; they have at that age no
distinction of taste, but eat and drink whatever they can get, without relish
or appetite. The diseases they were subject to still continue, without
increasing or diminishing. In talking, they forget the common appellation of
things, and the names of persons, even of those who are their nearest friends
and relations. For the same reason, they never can amuse themselves with
reading, because their memory will not serve to carry them from the beginning
of a sentence to the end; and by this defect, they are deprived of the only
entertainment whereof they might otherwise be capable.

The language of this country being always upon the flux, the struldbrugs of one
age do not understand those of another; neither are they able, after two
hundred years, to hold any conversation (farther than by a few general words)
with their neighbours the mortals; and thus they lie under the disadvantage of
living like foreigners in their own country."

This was the account given me of the struldbrugs, as near as I can remember. I
afterwards saw five or six of different ages, the youngest not above two
hundred years old, who were brought to me at several times by some of my
friends; but although they were told, "that I was a great traveller, and had
seen all the world," they had not the least curiosity to ask me a question;
only desired "I would give them slumskudask," or a token of remembrance; which
is a modest way of begging, to avoid the law, that strictly forbids it, because
they are provided for by the public, although indeed with a very scanty
allowance.

They are despised and hated by all sorts of people. When one of them is born,
it is reckoned ominous, and their birth is recorded very particularly so that
you may know their age by consulting the register, which, however, has not been
kept above a thousand years past, or at least has been destroyed by time or
public disturbances. But the usual way of computing how old they are, is by
asking them what kings or great persons they can remember, and then consulting
history; for infallibly the last prince in their mind did not begin his reign
after they were fourscore years old.

They were the most mortifying sight I ever beheld; and the women more horrible
than the men. Besides the usual deformities in extreme old age, they acquired
an additional ghastliness, in proportion to their number of years, which is not
to be described; and among half a dozen, I soon distinguished which was the
eldest, although there was not above a century or two between them.

The reader will easily believe, that from what I had hear and seen, my keen
appetite for perpetuity of life was much abated. I grew heartily ashamed of the
pleasing visions I had formed; and thought no tyrant could invent a death into
which I would not run with pleasure, from such a life. The king heard of all
that had passed between me and my friends upon this occasion, and rallied me
very pleasantly; wishing I could send a couple of struldbrugs to my own
country, to arm our people against the fear of death; but this, it seems, is
forbidden by the fundamental laws of the kingdom, or else I should have been
well content with the trouble and expense of transporting them.

I could not but agree, that the laws of this kingdom relative to the
struldbrugs were founded upon the strongest reasons, and such as any other
country would be under the necessity of enacting, in the like circumstances.
Otherwise, as avarice is the necessary consequence of old age, those immortals
would in time become proprietors of the whole nation, and engross the civil
power, which, for want of abilities to manage, must end in the ruin of the
public.

CHAPTER XI.

[The author leaves Luggnagg, and sails to Japan. From thence he returns in a
Dutch ship to Amsterdam, and from Amsterdam to England.]

I thought this account of the struldbrugs might be some entertainment to the
reader, because it seems to be a little out of the common way; at least I do
not remember to have met the like in any book of travels that has come to my
hands: and if I am deceived, my excuse must be, that it is necessary for
travellers who describe the same country, very often to agree in dwelling on
the same particulars, without deserving the censure of having borrowed or
transcribed from those who wrote before them.

There is indeed a perpetual commerce between this kingdom and the great empire
of Japan; and it is very probable, that the Japanese authors may have given
some account of the struldbrugs; but my stay in Japan was so short, and I was
so entirely a stranger to the language, that I was not qualified to make any
inquiries. But I hope the Dutch, upon this notice, will be curious and able
enough to supply my defects.

His majesty having often pressed me to accept some employment in his court, and
finding me absolutely determined to return to my native country, was pleased to
give me his license to depart; and honoured me with a letter of recommendation,
under his own hand, to the Emperor of Japan. He likewise presented me with four
hundred and forty-four large pieces of gold (this nation delighting in even
numbers), and a red diamond, which I sold in England for eleven hundred pounds.

On the 6th of May, 1709, I took a solemn leave of his majesty, and all my
friends. This prince was so gracious as to order a guard to conduct me to
Glanguenstald, which is a royal port to the south- west part of the island. In
six days I found a vessel ready to carry me to Japan, and spent fifteen days in
the voyage. We landed at a small port-town called Xamoschi, situated on the
south-east part of Japan; the town lies on the western point, where there is a
narrow strait leading northward into along arm of the sea, upon the north-west
part of which, Yedo, the metropolis, stands. At landing, I showed the
custom-house officers my letter from the king of Luggnagg to his imperial
majesty. They knew the seal perfectly well; it was as broad as the palm of my
hand. The impression was, A KING LIFTING UP A LAME BEGGAR FROM THE EARTH. The
magistrates of the town, hearing of my letter, received me as a public
minister. They provided me with carriages and servants, and bore my charges to
Yedo; where I was admitted to an audience, and delivered my letter, which was
opened with great ceremony, and explained to the Emperor by an interpreter, who
then gave me notice, by his majesty's order, "that I should signify my request,
and, whatever it were, it should be granted, for the sake of his royal brother
of Luggnagg." This interpreter was a person employed to transact affairs with
the Hollanders. He soon conjectured, by my countenance, that I was a European,
and therefore repeated his majesty's commands in Low Dutch, which he spoke
perfectly well. I answered, as I had before determined, "that I was a Dutch
merchant, shipwrecked in a very remote country, whence I had travelled by sea
and land to Luggnagg, and then took shipping for Japan; where I knew my
countrymen often traded, and with some of these I hoped to get an opportunity
of returning into Europe: I therefore most humbly entreated his royal favour,
to give order that I should be conducted in safety to Nangasac." To this I
added another petition, "that for the sake of my patron the king of Luggnagg,
his majesty would condescend to excuse my performing the ceremony imposed on my
countrymen, of trampling upon the crucifix: because I had been thrown into his
kingdom by my misfortunes, without any intention of trading." When this latter
petition was interpreted to the Emperor, he seemed a little surprised; and
said, "he believed I was the first of my countrymen who ever made any scruple
in this point; and that he began to doubt, whether I was a real Hollander, or
not; but rather suspected I must be a Christian. However, for the reasons I had
offered, but chiefly to gratify the king of Luggnagg by an uncommon mark of his
favour, he would comply with the singularity of my humour; but the affair must
be managed with dexterity, and his officers should be commanded to let me pass,
as it were by forgetfulness. For he assured me, that if the secret should be
discovered by my countrymen the Dutch, they would cut my throat in the voyage."
I returned my thanks, by the interpreter, for so unusual a favour; and some
troops being at that time on their march to Nangasac, the commanding officer
had orders to convey me safe thither, with particular instructions about the
business of the crucifix.

On the 9th day of June, 1709, I arrived at Nangasac, after a very long and
troublesome journey. I soon fell into the company of some Dutch sailors
belonging to the Amboyna, of Amsterdam, a stout ship of 450 tons. I had lived
long in Holland, pursuing my studies at Leyden, and I spoke Dutch well. The
seamen soon knew whence I came last: they were curious to inquire into my
voyages and course of life. I made up a story as short and probable as I could,
but concealed the greatest part. I knew many persons in Holland. I was able to
invent names for my parents, whom I pretended to be obscure people in the
province of Gelderland. I would have given the captain (one Theodorus Vangrult)
what he pleased to ask for my voyage to Holland; but understanding I was a
surgeon, he was contented to take half the usual rate, on condition that I
would serve him in the way of my calling. Before we took shipping, I was often
asked by some of the crew, whether I had performed the ceremony above
mentioned? I evaded the question by general answers; "that I had satisfied the
Emperor and court in all particulars." However, a malicious rogue of a skipper
went to an officer, and pointing to me, told him, "I had not yet trampled on
the crucifix;" but the other, who had received instructions to let me pass,
gave the rascal twenty strokes on the shoulders with a bamboo; after which I
was no more troubled with such questions.

Nothing happened worth mentioning in this voyage. We sailed with a fair wind to
the Cape of Good Hope, where we staid only to take in fresh water. On the 10th
of April, 1710, we arrived safe at Amsterdam, having lost only three men by
sickness in the voyage, and a fourth, who fell from the foremast into the sea,
not far from the coast of Guinea. From Amsterdam I soon after set sail for
England, in a small vessel belonging to that city.

On the 16th of April we put in at the Downs. I landed next morning, and saw
once more my native country, after an absence of five years and six months
complete. I went straight to Redriff, where I arrived the same day at two in
the afternoon, and found my wife and family in good health.

PART IV -- A VOYAGE TO THE COUNTRY OF THE HOUYHNHNMS.

CHAPTER I.

[The author sets out as captain of a ship. His men conspire against him,
confine him a long time to his cabin, and set him on shore in an unknown land.
He travels up into the country. The Yahoos, a strange sort of animal,
described. The author meets two Houyhnhnms.]

I continued at home with my wife and children about five months, in a very
happy condition, if I could have learned the lesson of knowing when I was well.
I left my poor wife big with child, and accepted an advantageous offer made me
to be captain of the Adventurer, a stout merchantman of 350 tons: for I
understood navigation well, and being grown weary of a surgeon's employment at
sea, which, however, I could exercise upon occasion, I took a skilful young man
of that calling, one Robert Purefoy, into my ship. We set sail from Portsmouth
upon the 7th day of September, 1710; on the 14th we met with Captain Pocock, of
Bristol, at Teneriffe, who was going to the bay of Campechy to cut logwood. On
the 16th, he was parted from us by a storm; I heard since my return, that his
ship foundered, and none escaped but one cabin boy. He was an honest man, and a
good sailor, but a little too positive in his own opinions, which was the cause
of his destruction, as it has been with several others; for if he had followed
my advice, he might have been safe at home with his family at this time, as
well as myself.

I had several men who died in my ship of calentures, so that I was forced to
get recruits out of Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands, where I touched, by the
direction of the merchants who employed me; which I had soon too much cause to
repent: for I found afterwards, that most of them had been buccaneers. I had
fifty hands onboard; and my orders were, that I should trade with the Indians
in the South-Sea, and make what discoveries I could. These rogues, whom I had
picked up, debauched my other men, and they all formed a conspiracy to seize
the ship, and secure me; which they did one morning, rushing into my cabin, and
binding me hand and foot, threatening to throw me overboard, if I offered to
stir. I told them, "I was their prisoner, and would submit." This they made me
swear to do, and then they unbound me, only fastening one of my legs with a
chain, near my bed, and placed a sentry at my door with his piece charged, who
was commanded to shoot me dead if I attempted my liberty. They sent me own
victuals and drink, and took the government of the ship to themselves. Their
design was to turn pirates and, plunder the Spaniards, which they could not do
till they got more men. But first they resolved to sell the goods the ship, and
then go to Madagascar for recruits, several among them having died since my
confinement. They sailed many weeks, and traded with the Indians; but I knew
not what course they took, being kept a close prisoner in my cabin, and
expecting nothing less than to be murdered, as they often threatened me.

Upon the 9th day of May, 1711, one James Welch came down to my cabin, and said,
"he had orders from the captain to set me ashore." I expostulated with him, but
in vain; neither would he so much as tell me who their new captain was. They
forced me into the long- boat, letting me put on my best suit of clothes, which
were as good as new, and take a small bundle of linen, but no arms, except my
hanger; and they were so civil as not to search my pockets, into which I
conveyed what money I had, with some other little necessaries. They rowed about
a league, and then set me down on a strand. I desired them to tell me what
country it was. They all swore, "they knew no more than myself;" but said,
"that the captain" (as they called him) "was resolved, after they had sold the
lading, to get rid of me in the first place where they could discover land."
They pushed off immediately, advising me to make haste for fear of being
overtaken by the tide, and so bade me farewell.

In this desolate condition I advanced forward, and soon got upon firm ground,
where I sat down on a bank to rest myself, and consider what I had best do.
When I was a little refreshed, I went up into the country, resolving to deliver
myself to the first savages I should meet, and purchase my life from them by
some bracelets, glass rings, and other toys, which sailors usually provide
themselves with in those voyages, and whereof I had some about me. The land was
divided by long rows of trees, not regularly planted, but naturally growing;
there was great plenty of grass, and several fields of oats. I walked very
circumspectly, for fear of being surprised, or suddenly shot with an arrow from
behind, or on either side. I fell into a beaten road, where I saw many tracts
of human feet, and some of cows, but most of horses. At last I beheld several
animals in a field, and one or two of the same kind sitting in trees. Their
shape was very singular and deformed, which a little discomposed me, so that I
lay down behind a thicket to observe them better. Some of them coming forward
near the place where I lay, gave me an opportunity of distinctly marking their
form. Their heads and breasts were covered with a thick hair, some frizzled,
and others lank; they had beards like goats, and a long ridge of hair down
their backs, and the fore parts of their legs and feet; but the rest of their
bodies was bare, so that I might see their skins, which were of a brown buff
colour. They had no tails, nor any hair at all on their buttocks, except about
the anus, which, I presume, nature had placed there to defend them as they sat
on the ground, for this posture they used, as well as lying down, and often
stood on their hind feet. They climbed high trees as nimbly as a squirrel, for
they had strong extended claws before and behind, terminating in sharp points,
and hooked. They would often spring, and bound, and leap, with prodigious
agility. The females were not so large as the males; they had long lank hair on
their heads, but none on their faces, nor any thing more than a sort of down on
the rest of their bodies, except about the anus and pudenda. The dugs hung
between their fore feet, and often reached almost to the ground as they walked.
The hair of both sexes was of several colours, brown, red, black, and yellow.
Upon the whole, I never beheld, in all my travels, so disagreeable an animal,
or one against which I naturally conceived so strong an antipathy. So that,
thinking I had seen enough, full of contempt and aversion, I got up, and
pursued the beaten road, hoping it might direct me to the cabin of some Indian.
I had not got far, when I met one of these creatures full in my way, and coming
up directly to me. The ugly monster, when he saw me, distorted several ways,
every feature of his visage, and stared, as at an object he had never seen
before; then approaching nearer, lifted up his fore-paw, whether out of
curiosity or mischief I could not tell; but I drew my hanger, and gave him a
good blow with the flat side of it, for I durst not strike with the edge,
fearing the inhabitants might be provoked against me, if they should come to
know that I had killed or maimed any of their cattle. When the beast felt the
smart, he drew back, and roared so loud, that a herd of at least forty came
flocking about me from the next field, howling and making odious faces; but I
ran to the body of a tree, and leaning my back against it, kept them off by
waving my hanger. Several of this cursed brood, getting hold of the branches
behind, leaped up into the tree, whence they began to discharge their
excrements on my head; however, I escaped pretty well by sticking close to the
stem of the tree, but was almost stifled with the filth, which fell about me on
every side.

In the midst of this distress, I observed them all to run away on a sudden as
fast as they could; at which I ventured to leave the tree and pursue the road,
wondering what it was that could put them into this fright. But looking on my
left hand, I saw a horse walking softly in the field; which my persecutors
having sooner discovered, was the cause of their flight. The horse started a
little, when he came near me, but soon recovering himself, looked full in my
face with manifest tokens of wonder; he viewed my hands and feet, walking round
me several times. I would have pursued my journey, but he placed himself
directly in the way, yet looking with a very mild aspect, never offering the
least violence. We stood gazing at each other for some time; at last I took the
boldness to reach my hand towards his neck with a design to stroke it, using
the common style and whistle of jockeys, when they are going to handle a
strange horse. But this animal seemed to receive my civilities with disdain,
shook his head, and bent his brows, softly raising up his right fore-foot to
remove my hand. Then he neighed three or four times, but in so different a
cadence, that I almost began to think he was speaking to himself, in some
language of his own.

While he and I were thus employed, another horse came up; who applying himself
to the first in a very formal manner, they gently struck each other's right
hoof before, neighing several times by turns, and varying the sound, which
seemed to be almost articulate. They went some paces off, as if it were to
confer together, walking side by side, backward and forward, like persons
deliberating upon some affair of weight, but often turning their eyes towards
me, as it were to watch that I might not escape. I was amazed to see such
actions and behaviour in brute beasts; and concluded with myself, that if the
inhabitants of this country were endued with a proportionable degree of reason,
they must needs be the wisest people upon earth. This thought gave me so much
comfort, that I resolved to go forward, until I could discover some house or
village, or meet with any of the natives, leaving the two horses to discourse
together as they pleased. But the first, who was a dapple gray, observing me to
steal off, neighed after me in so expressive a tone, that I fancied myself to
understand what he meant; whereupon I turned back, and came near to him to
expect his farther commands: but concealing my fear as much as I could, for I
began to be in some pain how this adventure might terminate; and the reader
will easily believe I did not much like my present situation.

The two horses came up close to me, looking with great earnestness upon my face
and hands. The gray steed rubbed my hat all round with his right fore-hoof, and
discomposed it so much that I was forced to adjust it better by taking it off
and settling it again; whereat, both he and his companion (who was a brown bay)
appeared to be much surprised: the latter felt the lappet of my coat, and
finding it to hang loose about me, they both looked with new signs of wonder.
He stroked my right hand, seeming to admire the softness and colour; but he
squeezed it so hard between his hoof and his pastern, that I was forced to
roar; after which they both touched me with all possible tenderness. They were
under great perplexity about my shoes and stockings, which they felt very
often, neighing to each other, and using various gestures, not unlike those of
a philosopher, when he would attempt to solve some new and difficult
phenomenon.

Upon the whole, the behaviour of these animals was so orderly and rational, so
acute and judicious, that I at last concluded they must needs be magicians, who
had thus metamorphosed themselves upon some design, and seeing a stranger in
the way, resolved to divert themselves with him; or, perhaps, were really
amazed at the sight of a man so very different in habit, feature, and
complexion, from those who might probably live in so remote a climate. Upon the
strength of this reasoning, I ventured to address them in the following manner:
"Gentlemen, if you be conjurers, as I have good cause to believe, you can
understand my language; therefore I make bold to let your worships know that I
am a poor distressed Englishman, driven by his misfortunes upon your coast; and
I entreat one of you to let me ride upon his back, as if he were a real horse,
to some house or village where I can be relieved. In return of which favour, I
will make you a present of this knife and bracelet," taking them out of my
pocket. The two creatures stood silent while I spoke, seeming to listen with
great attention, and when I had ended, they neighed frequently towards each
other, as if they were engaged in serious conversation. I plainly observed that
their language expressed the passions very well, and the words might, with
little pains, be resolved into an alphabet more easily than the Chinese.

I could frequently distinguish the word Yahoo, which was repeated by each of
them several times: and although it was impossible for me to conjecture what it
meant, yet while the two horses were busy in conversation, I endeavoured to
practise this word upon my tongue; and as soon as they were silent, I boldly
pronounced Yahoo in a loud voice, imitating at the same time, as near as I
could, the neighing of a horse; at which they were both visibly surprised; and
the gray repeated the same word twice, as if he meant to teach me the right
accent; wherein I spoke after him as well as I could, and found myself
perceivably to improve every time, though very far from any degree of
perfection. Then the bay tried me with a second word, much harder to be
pronounced; but reducing it to the English orthography, may be spelt thus,
Houyhnhnm. I did not succeed in this so well as in the former; but after two or
three farther trials, I had better fortune; and they both appeared amazed at my
capacity.

After some further discourse, which I then conjectured might relate to me, the
two friends took their leaves, with the same compliment of striking each
other's hoof; and the gray made me signs that I should walk before him; wherein
I thought it prudent to comply, till I could find a better director. When I
offered to slacken my pace, he would cry hhuun hhuun: I guessed his meaning,
and gave him to understand, as well as I could, "that I was weary, and not able
to walk faster;" upon which he would stand awhile to let me rest.

CHAPTER II.

[The author conducted by a Houyhnhnm to his house. The house described. The
author's reception. The food of the Houyhnhnms. The author in distress for want
of meat. Is at last relieved. His manner of feeding in this country.]

Having travelled about three miles, we came to a long kind of building, made of
timber stuck in the ground, and wattled across; the roof was low and covered
with straw. I now began to be a little comforted; and took out some toys, which
travellers usually carry for presents to the savage Indians of America, and
other parts, in hopes the people of the house would be thereby encouraged to
receive me kindly. The horse made me a sign to go in first; it was a large room
with a smooth clay floor, and a rack and manger, extending the whole length on
one side. There were three nags and two mares, not eating, but some of them
sitting down upon their hams, which I very much wondered at; but wondered more
to see the rest employed in domestic business; these seemed but ordinary
cattle. However, this confirmed my first opinion, that a people who could so
far civilise brute animals, must needs excel in wisdom all the nations of the
world. The gray came in just after, and thereby prevented any ill treatment
which the others might have given me. He neighed to them several times in a
style of authority, and received answers.

Beyond this room there were three others, reaching the length of the house, to
which you passed through three doors, opposite to each other, in the manner of
a vista. We went through the second room towards the third. Here the gray
walked in first, beckoning me to attend: I waited in the second room, and got
ready my presents for the master and mistress of the house; they were two
knives, three bracelets of false pearls, a small looking-glass, and a bead
necklace. The horse neighed three or four times, and I waited to hear some
answers in a human voice, but I heard no other returns than in the same
dialect, only one or two a little shriller than his. I began to think that this
house must belong to some person of great note among them, because there
appeared so much ceremony before I could gain admittance. But, that a man of
quality should be served all by horses, was beyond my comprehension. I feared
my brain was disturbed by my sufferings and misfortunes. I roused myself, and
looked about me in the room where I was left alone: this was furnished like the
first, only after a more elegant manner. I rubbed my eyes often, but the same
objects still occurred. I pinched my arms and sides to awake myself, hoping I
might be in a dream. I then absolutely concluded, that all these appearances
could be nothing else but necromancy and magic. But I had no time to pursue
these reflections; for the gray horse came to the door, and made me a sign to
follow him into the third room where I saw a very comely mare, together with a
colt and foal, sitting on their haunches upon mats of straw, not unartfully
made, and perfectly neat and clean.

The mare soon after my entrance rose from her mat, and coming up close, after
having nicely observed my hands and face, gave me a most contemptuous look; and
turning to the horse, I heard the word Yahoo often repeated betwixt them; the
meaning of which word I could not then comprehend, although it was the first I
had learned to pronounce. But I was soon better informed, to my everlasting
mortification; for the horse, beckoning to me with his head, and repeating the
hhuun, hhuun, as he did upon the road, which I understood was to attend him,
led me out into a kind of court, where was another building, at some distance
from the house. Here we entered, and I saw three of those detestable creatures,
which I first met after my landing, feeding upon roots, and the flesh of some
animals, which I afterwards found to be that of asses and dogs, and now and
then a cow, dead by accident or disease. They were all tied by the neck with
strong withes fastened to a beam; they held their food between the claws of
their fore feet, and tore it with their teeth.

The master horse ordered a sorrel nag, one of his servants, to untie the
largest of these animals, and take him into the yard. The beast and I were
brought close together, and by our countenances diligently compared both by
master and servant, who thereupon repeated several times the word Yahoo. My
horror and astonishment are not to be described, when I observed in this
abominable animal, a perfect human figure: the face of it indeed was flat and
broad, the nose depressed, the lips large, and the mouth wide; but these
differences are common to all savage nations, where the lineaments of the
countenance are distorted, by the natives suffering their infants to lie
grovelling on the earth, or by carrying them on their backs, nuzzling with
their face against the mothers' shoulders. The fore-feet of the Yahoo differed
from my hands in nothing else but the length of the nails, the coarseness and
brownness of the palms, and the hairiness on the backs. There was the same
resemblance between our feet, with the same differences; which I knew very
well, though the horses did not, because of my shoes and stockings; the same in
every part of our bodies except as to hairiness and colour, which I have
already described.

The great difficulty that seemed to stick with the two horses, was to see the
rest of my body so very different from that of a Yahoo, for which I was obliged
to my clothes, whereof they had no conception. The sorrel nag offered me a
root, which he held (after their manner, as we shall describe in its proper
place) between his hoof and pastern; I took it in my hand, and, having smelt
it, returned it to him again as civilly as I could. He brought out of the
Yahoos' kennel a piece of ass's flesh; but it smelt so offensively that I
turned from it with loathing: he then threw it to the Yahoo, by whom it was
greedily devoured. He afterwards showed me a wisp of hay, and a fetlock full of
oats; but I shook my head, to signify that neither of these were food for me.
And indeed I now apprehended that I must absolutely starve, if I did not get to
some of my own species; for as to those filthy Yahoos, although there were few
greater lovers of mankind at that time than myself, yet I confess I never saw
any sensitive being so detestable on all accounts; and the more I came near
them the more hateful they grew, while I stayed in that country. This the
master horse observed by my behaviour, and therefore sent the Yahoo back to his
kennel. He then put his fore-hoof to his mouth, at which I was much surprised,
although he did it with ease, and with a motion that appeared perfectly
natural, and made other signs, to know what I would eat; but I could not return
him such an answer as he was able to apprehend; and if he had understood me, I
did not see how it was possible to contrive any way for finding myself
nourishment. While we were thus engaged, I observed a cow passing by, whereupon
I pointed to her, and expressed a desire to go and milk her. This had its
effect; for he led me back into the house, and ordered a mare-servant to open a
room, where a good store of milk lay in earthen and wooden vessels, after a
very orderly and cleanly manner. She gave me a large bowlful, of which I drank
very heartily, and found myself well refreshed.

About noon, I saw coming towards the house a kind of vehicle drawn like a
sledge by four Yahoos. There was in it an old steed, who seemed to be of
quality; he alighted with his hind-feet forward, having by accident got a hurt
in his left fore-foot. He came to dine with our horse, who received him with
great civility. They dined in the best room, and had oats boiled in milk for
the second course, which the old horse ate warm, but the rest cold. Their
mangers were placed circular in the middle of the room, and divided into
several partitions, round which they sat on their haunches, upon bosses of
straw. In the middle was a large rack, with angles answering to every partition
of the manger; so that each horse and mare ate their own hay, and their own
mash of oats and milk, with much decency and regularity. The behaviour of the
young colt and foal appeared very modest, and that of the master and mistress
extremely cheerful and complaisant to their guest. The gray ordered me to stand
by him; and much discourse passed between him and his friend concerning me, as
I found by the stranger's often looking on me, and the frequent repetition of
the word Yahoo.

I happened to wear my gloves, which the master gray observing, seemed
perplexed, discovering signs of wonder what I had done to my fore-feet. He put
his hoof three or four times to them, as if he would signify, that I should
reduce them to their former shape, which I presently did, pulling off both my
gloves, and putting them into my pocket. This occasioned farther talk; and I
saw the company was pleased with my behaviour, whereof I soon found the good
effects. I was ordered to speak the few words I understood; and while they were
at dinner, the master taught me the names for oats, milk, fire, water, and some
others, which I could readily pronounce after him, having from my youth a great
facility in learning languages.

When dinner was done, the master horse took me aside, and by signs and words
made me understand the concern he was in that I had nothing to eat. Oats in
their tongue are called hlunnh. This word I pronounced two or three times; for
although I had refused them at first, yet, upon second thoughts, I considered
that I could contrive to make of them a kind of bread, which might be
sufficient, with milk, to keep me alive, till I could make my escape to some
other country, and to creatures of my own species. The horse immediately
ordered a white mare servant of his family to bring me a good quantity of oats
in a sort of wooden tray. These I heated before the fire, as well as I could,
and rubbed them till the husks came off, which I made a shift to winnow from
the grain. I ground and beat them between two stones; then took water, and made
them into a paste or cake, which I toasted at the fire and eat warm with milk.
It was at first a very insipid diet, though common enough in many parts of
Europe, but grew tolerable by time; and having been often reduced to hard fare
in my life, this was not the first experiment I had made how easily nature is
satisfied. And I cannot but observe, that I never had one hours sickness while
I stayed in this island. It is true, I sometimes made a shift to catch a
rabbit, or bird, by springs made of Yahoo's hairs; and I often gathered
wholesome herbs, which I boiled, and ate as salads with my bread; and now and
then, for a rarity, I made a little butter, and drank the whey. I was at first
at a great loss for salt, but custom soon reconciled me to the want of it; and
I am confident that the frequent use of salt among us is an effect of luxury,
and was first introduced only as a provocative to drink, except where it is
necessary for preserving flesh in long voyages, or in places remote from great
markets; for we observe no animal to be fond of it but man, and as to myself,
when I left this country, it was a great while before I could endure the taste
of it in anything that I ate.

This is enough to say upon the subject of my diet, wherewith other travellers
fill their books, as if the readers were personally concerned whether we fare
well or ill. However, it was necessary to mention this matter, lest the world
should think it impossible that I could find sustenance for three years in such
a country, and among such inhabitants.

When it grew towards evening, the master horse ordered a place for me to lodge
in; it was but six yards from the house and separated from the stable of the
Yahoos. Here I got some straw, and covering myself with my own clothes, slept
very sound. But I was in a short time better accommodated, as the reader shall
know hereafter, when I come to treat more particularly about my way of living.

CHAPTER III.

[The author studies to learn the language. The Houyhnhnm, his master, assists
in teaching him. The language described. Several Houyhnhnms of quality come out
of curiosity to see the author. He gives his master a short account of his
voyage.]

My principal endeavour was to learn the language, which my master (for so I
shall henceforth call him), and his children, and every servant of his house,
were desirous to teach me; for they looked upon it as a prodigy, that a brute
animal should discover such marks of a rational creature. I pointed to every
thing, and inquired the name of it, which I wrote down in my journal-book when
I was alone, and corrected my bad accent by desiring those of the family to
pronounce it often. In this employment, a sorrel nag, one of the
under-servants, was very ready to assist me.

In speaking, they pronounced through the nose and throat, and their language
approaches nearest to the High-Dutch, or German, of any I know in Europe; but
is much more graceful and significant. The emperor Charles V. made almost the
same observation, when he said "that if he were to speak to his horse, it
should be in High- Dutch."

The curiosity and impatience of my master were so great, that he spent many
hours of his leisure to instruct me. He was convinced (as he afterwards told
me) that I must be a Yahoo; but my teachableness, civility, and cleanliness,
astonished him; which were qualities altogether opposite to those animals. He
was most perplexed about my clothes, reasoning sometimes with himself, whether
they were a part of my body: for I never pulled them off till the family were
asleep, and got them on before they waked in the morning. My master was eager
to learn "whence I came; how I acquired those appearances of reason, which I
discovered in all my actions; and to know my story from my own mouth, which he
hoped he should soon do by the great proficiency I made in learning and
pronouncing their words and sentences." To help my memory, I formed all I
learned into the English alphabet, and writ the words down, with the
translations. This last, after some time, I ventured to do in my master's
presence. It cost me much trouble to explain to him what I was doing; for the
inhabitants have not the least idea of books or literature.

In about ten weeks time, I was able to understand most of his questions; and in
three months, could give him some tolerable answers. He was extremely curious
to know "from what part of the country I came, and how I was taught to imitate
a rational creature; because the Yahoos (whom he saw I exactly resembled in my
head, hands, and face, that were only visible), with some appearance of
cunning, and the strongest disposition to mischief, were observed to be the
most unteachable of all brutes." I answered, "that I came over the sea, from a
far place, with many others of my own kind, in a great hollow vessel made of
the bodies of trees: that my companions forced me to land on this coast, and
then left me to shift for myself." It was with some difficulty, and by the help
of many signs, that I brought him to understand me. He replied, "that I must
needs be mistaken, or that I said the thing which was not;" for they have no
word in their language to express lying or falsehood. "He knew it was
impossible that there could be a country beyond the sea, or that a parcel of
brutes could move a wooden vessel whither they pleased upon water. He was sure
no Houyhnhnm alive could make such a vessel, nor would trust Yahoos to manage
it."

The word Houyhnhnm, in their tongue, signifies a HORSE, and, in its etymology,
the PERFECTION OF NATURE. I told my master, "that I was at a loss for
expression, but would improve as fast as I could; and hoped, in a short time, I
should be able to tell him wonders." He was pleased to direct his own mare, his
colt, and foal, and the servants of the family, to take all opportunities of
instructing me; and every day, for two or three hours, he was at the same pains
himself. Several horses and mares of quality in the neighbourhood came often to
our house, upon the report spread of "a wonderful Yahoo, that could speak like
a Houyhnhnm, and seemed, in his words and actions, to discover some glimmerings
of reason." These delighted to converse with me: they put many questions, and
received such answers as I was able to return. By all these advantages I made
so great a progress, that, in five months from my arrival I understood whatever
was spoken, and could express myself tolerably well.

The Houyhnhnms, who came to visit my master out of a design of seeing and
talking with me, could hardly believe me to be a right Yahoo, because my body
had a different covering from others of my kind. They were astonished to
observe me without the usual hair or skin, except on my head, face, and hands;
but I discovered that secret to my master upon an accident which happened about
a fortnight before.

I have already told the reader, that every night, when the family were gone to
bed, it was my custom to strip, and cover myself with my clothes. It happened,
one morning early, that my master sent for me by the sorrel nag, who was his
valet. When he came I was fast asleep, my clothes fallen off on one side, and
my shirt above my waist. I awaked at the noise he made, and observed him to
deliver his message in some disorder; after which he went to my master, and in
a great fright gave him a very confused account of what he had seen. This I
presently discovered, for, going as soon as I was dressed to pay my attendance
upon his honour, he asked me "the meaning of what his servant had reported,
that I was not the same thing when I slept, as I appeared to be at other times;
that his vale assured him, some part of me was white, some yellow, at least not
so white, and some brown."

I had hitherto concealed the secret of my dress, in order to distinguish
myself, as much as possible, from that cursed race of Yahoos; but now I found
it in vain to do so any longer. Besides, I considered that my clothes and shoes
would soon wear out, which already were in a declining condition, and must be
supplied by some contrivance from the hides of Yahoos, or other brutes; whereby
the whole secret would be known. I therefore told my master, "that in the
country whence I came, those of my kind always covered their bodies with the
hairs of certain animals prepared by art, as well for decency as to avoid the
inclemencies of air, both hot and cold; of which, as to my own person, I would
give him immediate conviction, if he pleased to command me: only desiring his
excuse, if I did not expose those parts that nature taught us to conceal." He
said, "my discourse was all very strange, but especially the last part; for he
could not understand, why nature should teach us to conceal what nature had
given; that neither himself nor family were ashamed of any parts of their
bodies; but, however, I might do as I pleased." Whereupon I first unbuttoned my
coat, and pulled it off. I did the same with my waistcoat. I drew off my shoes,
stockings, and breeches. I let my shirt down to my waist, and drew up the
bottom; fastening it like a girdle about my middle, to hide my nakedness.

My master observed the whole performance with great signs of curiosity and
admiration. He took up all my clothes in his pastern, one piece after another,
and examined them diligently; he then stroked my body very gently, and looked
round me several times; after which, he said, it was plain I must be a perfect
Yahoo; but that I differed very much from the rest of my species in the
softness, whiteness, and smoothness of my skin; my want of hair in several
parts of my body; the shape and shortness of my claws behind and before; and my
affectation of walking continually on my two hinder feet. He desired to see no
more; and gave me leave to put on my clothes again, for I was shuddering with
cold.

I expressed my uneasiness at his giving me so often the appellation of Yahoo,
an odious animal, for which I had so utter a hatred and contempt: I begged he
would forbear applying that word to me, and make the same order in his family
and among his friends whom he suffered to see me. I requested likewise, "that
the secret of my having a false covering to my body, might be known to none but
himself, at least as long as my present clothing should last; for as to what
the sorrel nag, his valet, had observed, his honour might command him to
conceal it."

All this my master very graciously consented to; and thus the secret was kept
till my clothes began to wear out, which I was forced to supply by several
contrivances that shall hereafter be mentioned. In the meantime, he desired "I
would go on with my utmost diligence to learn their language, because he was
more astonished at my capacity for speech and reason, than at the figure of my
body, whether it were covered or not;" adding, "that he waited with some
impatience to hear the wonders which I promised to tell him."

Thenceforward he doubled the pains he had been at to instruct me: he brought me
into all company, and made them treat me with civility; "because," as he told
them, privately, "this would put me into good humour, and make me more
diverting."

Every day, when I waited on him, beside the trouble he was at in teaching, he
would ask me several questions concerning myself, which I answered as well as I
could, and by these means he had already received some general ideas, though
very imperfect. It would be tedious to relate the several steps by which I
advanced to a more regular conversation; but the first account I gave of myself
in any order and length was to this purpose:

"That I came from a very far country, as I already had attempted to tell him,
with about fifty more of my own species; that we travelled upon the seas in a
great hollow vessel made of wood, and larger than his honour's house. I
described the ship to him in the best terms I could, and explained, by the help
of my handkerchief displayed, how it was driven forward by the wind. That upon
a quarrel among us, I was set on shore on this coast, where I walked forward,
without knowing whither, till he delivered me from the persecution of those
execrable Yahoos." He asked me, "who made the ship, and how it was possible
that the Houyhnhnms of my country would leave it to the management of brutes?"
My answer was, "that I durst proceed no further in my relation, unless he would
give me his word and honour that he would not be offended, and then I would
tell him the wonders I had so often promised." He agreed; and I went on by
assuring him, that the ship was made by creatures like myself; who, in all the
countries I had travelled, as well as in my own, were the only governing
rational animals; and that upon my arrival hither, I was as much astonished to
see the Houyhnhnms act like rational beings, as he, or his friends, could be,
in finding some marks of reason in a creature he was pleased to call a Yahoo;
to which I owned my resemblance in every part, but could not account for their
degenerate and brutal nature. I said farther, "that if good fortune ever
restored me to my native country, to relate my travels hither, as I resolved to
do, everybody would believe, that I said the thing that was not, that I
invented the story out of my own head; and (with all possible respect to
himself, his family, and friends, and under his promise of not being offended)
our countrymen would hardly think it probable that a Houyhnhnm should be the
presiding creature of a nation, and a Yahoo the brute."

CHAPTER IV.

[The Houyhnhnm's notion of truth and falsehood. The author's discourse
disapproved by his master. The author gives a more particular account of
himself, and the accidents of his voyage.]

My master heard me with great appearances of uneasiness in his countenance;
because doubting, or not believing, are so little known in this country, that
the inhabitants cannot tell how to behave themselves under such circumstances.
And I remember, in frequent discourses with my master concerning the nature of
manhood in other parts of the world, having occasion to talk of lying and false
representation, it was with much difficulty that he comprehended what I meant,
although he had otherwise a most acute judgment. For he argued thus: "that the
use of speech was to make us understand one another, and to receive information
of facts; now, if any one said the thing which was not, these ends were
defeated, because I cannot properly be said to understand him; and I am so far
from receiving information, that he leaves me worse than in ignorance; for I am
led to believe a thing black, when it is white, and short, when it is long."
And these were all the notions he had concerning that faculty of lying, so
perfectly well understood, and so universally practised, among human creatures.

To return from this digression. When I asserted that the Yahoos were the only
governing animals in my country, which my master said was altogether past his
conception, he desired to know, "whether we had Houyhnhnms among us, and what
was their employment?" I told him, "we had great numbers; that in summer they
grazed in the fields, and in winter were kept in houses with hay and oats,
where Yahoo servants were employed to rub their skins smooth, comb their manes,
pick their feet, serve them with food, and make their beds." "I understand you
well," said my master: "it is now very plain, from all you have spoken, that
whatever share of reason the Yahoos pretend to, the Houyhnhnms are your
masters; I heartily wish our Yahoos would be so tractable." I begged "his
honour would please to excuse me from proceeding any further, because I was
very certain that the account he expected from me would be highly displeasing."
But he insisted in commanding me to let him know the best and the worst. I told
him "he should be obeyed." I owned "that the Houyhnhnms among us, whom we
called horses, were the most generous and comely animals we had; that they
excelled in strength and swiftness; and when they belonged to persons of
quality, were employed in travelling, racing, or drawing chariots; they were
treated with much kindness and care, till they fell into diseases, or became
foundered in the feet; but then they were sold, and used to all kind of
drudgery till they died; after which their skins were stripped, and sold for
what they were worth, and their bodies left to be devoured by dogs and birds of
prey. But the common race of horses had not so good fortune, being kept by
farmers and carriers, and other mean people, who put them to greater labour,
and fed them worse." I described, as well as I could, our way of riding; the
shape and use of a bridle, a saddle, a spur, and a whip; of harness and wheels.
I added, "that we fastened plates of a certain hard substance, called iron, at
the bottom of their feet, to preserve their hoofs from being broken by the
stony ways, on which we often travelled."

My master, after some expressions of great indignation, wondered "how we dared
to venture upon a Houyhnhnm's back; for he was sure, that the weakest servant
in his house would be able to shake off the strongest Yahoo; or by lying down
and rolling on his back, squeeze the brute to death." I answered "that our
horses were trained up, from three or four years old, to the several uses we
intended them for; that if any of them proved intolerably vicious, they were
employed for carriages; that they were severely beaten, while they were young,
for any mischievous tricks; that the males, designed for the common use of
riding or draught, were generally castrated about two years after their birth,
to take down their spirits, and make them more tame and gentle; that they were
indeed sensible of rewards and punishments; but his honour would please to
consider, that they had not the least tincture of reason, any more than the
Yahoos in this country."

It put me to the pains of many circumlocutions, to give my master a right idea
of what I spoke; for their language does not abound in variety of words,
because their wants and passions are fewer than among us. But it is impossible
to express his noble resentment at our savage treatment of the Houyhnhnm race;
particularly after I had explained the manner and use of castrating horses
among us, to hinder them from propagating their kind, and to render them more
servile. He said, "if it were possible there could be any country where Yahoos
alone were endued with reason, they certainly must be the governing animal;
because reason in time will always prevail against brutal strength. But,
considering the frame of our bodies, and especially of mine, he thought no
creature of equal bulk was so ill-contrived for employing that reason in the
common offices of life;" whereupon he desired to know whether those among whom
I lived resembled me, or the Yahoos of his country?" I assured him, "that I was
as well shaped as most of my age; but the younger, and the females, were much
more soft and tender, and the skins of the latter generally as white as milk."
He said, "I differed indeed from other Yahoos, being much more cleanly, and not
altogether so deformed; but, in point of real advantage, he thought I differed
for the worse: that my nails were of no use either to my fore or hinder feet;
as to my fore feet, he could not properly call them by that name, for he never
observed me to walk upon them; that they were too soft to bear the ground; that
I generally went with them uncovered; neither was the covering I sometimes wore
on them of the same shape, or so strong as that on my feet behind: that I could
not walk with any security, for if either of my hinder feet slipped, I must
inevitably fail." He then began to find fault with other parts of my body: "the
flatness of my face, the prominence of my nose, mine eyes placed directly in
front, so that I could not look on either side without turning my head: that I
was not able to feed myself, without lifting one of my fore-feet to my mouth:
and therefore nature had placed those joints to answer that necessity. He knew
not what could be the use of those several clefts and divisions in my feet
behind; that these were too soft to bear the hardness and sharpness of stones,
without a covering made from the skin of some other brute; that my whole body
wanted a fence against heat and cold, which I was forced to put on and off
every day, with tediousness and trouble: and lastly, that he observed every
animal in this country naturally to abhor the Yahoos, whom the weaker avoided,
and the stronger drove from them. So that, supposing us to have the gift of
reason, he could not see how it were possible to cure that natural antipathy,
which every creature discovered against us; nor consequently how we could tame
and render them serviceable. However, he would," as he said, "debate the matter
no farther, because he was more desirous to know my own story, the country
where I was born, and the several actions and events of my life, before I came
hither."

I assured him, "how extremely desirous I was that he should be satisfied on
every point; but I doubted much, whether it would be possible for me to explain
myself on several subjects, whereof his honour could have no conception;
because I saw nothing in his country to which I could resemble them; that,
however, I would do my best, and strive to express myself by similitudes,
humbly desiring his assistance when I wanted proper words;" which he was
pleased to promise me.

I said, "my birth was of honest parents, in an island called England; which was
remote from his country, as many days' journey as the strongest of his honour's
servants could travel in the annual course of the sun; that I was bred a
surgeon, whose trade it is to cure wounds and hurts in the body, gotten by
accident or violence; that my country was governed by a female man, whom we
called queen; that I left it to get riches, whereby I might maintain myself and
family, when I should return; that, in my last voyage, I was commander of the
ship, and had about fifty Yahoos under me, many of which died at sea, and I was
forced to supply them by others picked out from several nations; that our ship
was twice in danger of being sunk, the first time by a great storm, and the
second by striking against a rock." Here my master interposed, by asking me,
"how I could persuade strangers, out of different countries, to venture with
me, after the losses I had sustained, and the hazards I had run?" I said, "they
were fellows of desperate fortunes, forced to fly from the places of their
birth on account of their poverty or their crimes. Some were undone by
lawsuits; others spent all they had in drinking, whoring, and gaming; others
fled for treason; many for murder, theft, poisoning, robbery, perjury, forgery,
coining false money, for committing rapes, or sodomy; for flying from their
colours, or deserting to the enemy; and most of them had broken prison; none of
these durst return to their native countries, for fear of being hanged, or of
starving in a jail; and therefore they were under the necessity of seeking a
livelihood in other places."

During this discourse, my master was pleased to interrupt me several times. I
had made use of many circumlocutions in describing to him the nature of the
several crimes for which most of our crew had been forced to fly their country.
This labour took up several days' conversation, before he was able to
comprehend me. He was wholly at a loss to know what could be the use or
necessity of practising those vices. To clear up which, I endeavoured to give
some ideas of the desire of power and riches; of the terrible effects of lust,
intemperance, malice, and envy. All this I was forced to define and describe by
putting cases and making suppositions. After which, like one whose imagination
was struck with something never seen or heard of before, he would lift up his
eyes with amazement and indignation. Power, government, war, law, punishment,
and a thousand other things, had no terms wherein that language could express
them, which made the difficulty almost insuperable, to give my master any
conception of what I meant. But being of an excellent understanding, much
improved by contemplation and converse, he at last arrived at a competent
knowledge of what human nature, in our parts of the world, is capable to
perform, and desired I would give him some particular account of that land
which we call Europe, but especially of my own country.

CHAPTER V.

[The author at his master's command, informs him of the state of England. The
causes of war among the princes of Europe. The author begins to explain the
English constitution.]

The reader may please to observe, that the following extract of many
conversations I had with my master, contains a summary of the most material
points which were discoursed at several times for above two years; his honour
often desiring fuller satisfaction, as I farther improved in the Houyhnhnm
tongue. I laid before him, as well as I could, the whole state of Europe; I
discoursed of trade and manufactures, of arts and sciences; and the answers I
gave to all the questions he made, as they arose upon several subjects, were a
fund of conversation not to be exhausted. But I shall here only set down the
substance of what passed between us concerning my own country, reducing it in
order as well as I can, without any regard to time or other circumstances,
while I strictly adhere to truth. My only concern is, that I shall hardly be
able to do justice to my master's arguments and expressions, which must needs
suffer by my want of capacity, as well as by a translation into our barbarous
English.

In obedience, therefore, to his honour's commands, I related to him the
Revolution under the Prince of Orange; the long war with France, entered into
by the said prince, and renewed by his successor, the present queen, wherein
the greatest powers of Christendom were engaged, and which still continued: I
computed, at his request, "that about a million of Yahoos might have been
killed in the whole progress of it; and perhaps a hundred or more cities taken,
and five times as many ships burnt or sunk."

He asked me, "what were the usual causes or motives that made one country go to
war with another?" I answered "they were innumerable; but I should only mention
a few of the chief. Sometimes the ambition of princes, who never think they
have land or people enough to govern; sometimes the corruption of ministers,
who engage their master in a war, in order to stifle or divert the clamour of
the subjects against their evil administration. Difference in opinions has cost
many millions of lives: for instance, whether flesh be bread, or bread be
flesh; whether the juice of a certain berry be blood or wine; whether whistling
be a vice or a virtue; whether it be better to kiss a post, or throw it into
the fire; what is the best colour for a coat, whether black, white, red, or
gray; and whether it should be long or short, narrow or wide, dirty or clean;
with many more. Neither are any wars so furious and bloody, or of so long a
continuance, as those occasioned by difference in opinion, especially if it be
in things indifferent.

"Sometimes the quarrel between two princes is to decide which of them shall
dispossess a third of his dominions, where neither of them pretend to any
right. Sometimes one prince quarrels with another for fear the other should
quarrel with him. Sometimes a war is entered upon, because the enemy is too
strong; and sometimes, because he is too weak. Sometimes our neighbours want
the things which we have, or have the things which we want, and we both fight,
till they take ours, or give us theirs. It is a very justifiable cause of a
war, to invade a country after the people have been wasted by famine, destroyed
by pestilence, or embroiled by factions among themselves. It is justifiable to
enter into war against our nearest ally, when one of his towns lies convenient
for us, or a territory of land, that would render our dominions round and
complete. If a prince sends forces into a nation, where the people are poor and
ignorant, he may lawfully put half of them to death, and make slaves of the
rest, in order to civilize and reduce them from their barbarous way of living.
It is a very kingly, honourable, and frequent practice, when one prince desires
the assistance of another, to secure him against an invasion, that the
assistant, when he has driven out the invader, should seize on the dominions
himself, and kill, imprison, or banish, the prince he came to relieve. Alliance
by blood, or marriage, is a frequent cause of war between princes; and the
nearer the kindred is, the greater their disposition to quarrel; poor nations
are hungry, and rich nations are proud; and pride and hunger will ever be at
variance. For these reasons, the trade of a soldier is held the most honourable
of all others; because a soldier is a Yahoo hired to kill, in cold blood, as
many of his own species, who have never offended him, as possibly he can.

"There is likewise a kind of beggarly princes in Europe, not able to make war
by themselves, who hire out their troops to richer nations, for so much a day
to each man; of which they keep three- fourths to themselves, and it is the
best part of their maintenance: such are those in many northern parts of
Europe."

"What you have told me," said my master, "upon the subject of war, does indeed
discover most admirably the effects of that reason you pretend to: however, it
is happy that the shame is greater than the danger; and that nature has left
you utterly incapable of doing much mischief. For, your mouths lying flat with
your faces, you can hardly bite each other to any purpose, unless by consent.
Then as to the claws upon your feet before and behind, they are so short and
tender, that one of our Yahoos would drive a dozen of yours before him. And
therefore, in recounting the numbers of those who have been killed in battle, I
cannot but think you have said the thing which is not."

I could not forbear shaking my head, and smiling a little at his ignorance. And
being no stranger to the art of war, I gave him a description of cannons,
culverins, muskets, carabines, pistols, bullets, powder, swords, bayonets,
battles, sieges, retreats, attacks, undermines, countermines, bombardments, sea
fights, ships sunk with a thousand men, twenty thousand killed on each side,
dying groans, limbs flying in the air, smoke, noise, confusion, trampling to
death under horses' feet, flight, pursuit, victory; fields strewed with
carcases, left for food to dogs and wolves and birds of prey; plundering,
stripping, ravishing, burning, and destroying. And to set forth the valour of
my own dear countrymen, I assured him, "that I had seen them blow up a hundred
enemies at once in a siege, and as many in a ship, and beheld the dead bodies
drop down in pieces from the clouds, to the great diversion of the spectators."

I was going on to more particulars, when my master commanded me silence. He
said, "whoever understood the nature of Yahoos, might easily believe it
possible for so vile an animal to be capable of every action I had named, if
their strength and cunning equalled their malice. But as my discourse had
increased his abhorrence of the whole species, so he found it gave him a
disturbance in his mind to which he was wholly a stranger before. He thought
his ears, being used to such abominable words, might, by degrees, admit them
with less detestation: that although he hated the Yahoos of this country, yet
he no more blamed them for their odious qualities, than he did a gnnayh (a bird
of prey) for its cruelty, or a sharp stone for cutting his hoof. But when a
creature pretending to reason could be capable of such enormities, he dreaded
lest the corruption of that faculty might be worse than brutality itself. He
seemed therefore confident, that, instead of reason we were only possessed of
some quality fitted to increase our natural vices; as the reflection from a
troubled stream returns the image of an ill shapen body, not only larger but
more distorted."

He added, "that he had heard too much upon the subject of war, both in this and
some former discourses. There was another point, which a little perplexed him
at present. I had informed him, that some of our crew left their country on
account of being ruined by law; that I had already explained the meaning of the
word; but he was at a loss how it should come to pass, that the law, which was
intended for every man's preservation, should be any man's ruin. Therefore he
desired to be further satisfied what I meant by law, and the dispensers
thereof, according to the present practice in my own country; because he
thought nature and reason were sufficient guides for a reasonable animal, as we
pretended to be, in showing us what he ought to do, and what to avoid."

I assured his honour, "that the law was a science in which I had not much
conversed, further than by employing advocates, in vain, upon some injustices
that had been done me: however, I would give him all the satisfaction I was
able."

I said, "there was a society of men among us, bred up from their youth in the
art of proving, by words multiplied for the purpose, that white is black, and
black is white, according as they are paid. To this society all the rest of the
people are slaves. For example, if my neighbour has a mind to my cow, he has a
lawyer to prove that he ought to have my cow from me. I must then hire another
to defend my right, it being against all rules of law that any man should be
allowed to speak for himself. Now, in this case, I, who am the right owner, lie
under two great disadvantages: first, my lawyer, being practised almost from
his cradle in defending falsehood, is quite out of his element when he would be
an advocate for justice, which is an unnatural office he always attempts with
great awkwardness, if not with ill-will. The second disadvantage is, that my
lawyer must proceed with great caution, or else he will be reprimanded by the
judges, and abhorred by his brethren, as one that would lessen the practice of
the law. And therefore I have but two methods to preserve my cow. The first is,
to gain over my adversary's lawyer with a double fee, who will then betray his
client by insinuating that he hath justice on his side. The second way is for
my lawyer to make my cause appear as unjust as he can, by allowing the cow to
belong to my adversary: and this, if it be skilfully done, will certainly
bespeak the favour of the bench. Now your honour is to know, that these judges
are persons appointed to decide all controversies of property, as well as for
the trial of criminals, and picked out from the most dexterous lawyers, who are
grown old or lazy; and having been biassed all their lives against truth and
equity, lie under such a fatal necessity of favouring fraud, perjury, and
oppression, that I have known some of them refuse a large bribe from the side
where justice lay, rather than injure the faculty, by doing any thing
unbecoming their nature or their office.

"It is a maxim among these lawyers that whatever has been done before, may
legally be done again: and therefore they take special care to record all the
decisions formerly made against common justice, and the general reason of
mankind. These, under the name of precedents, they produce as authorities to
justify the most iniquitous opinions; and the judges never fail of directing
accordingly.

"In pleading, they studiously avoid entering into the merits of the cause; but
are loud, violent, and tedious, in dwelling upon all circumstances which are
not to the purpose. For instance, in the case already mentioned; they never
desire to know what claim or title my adversary has to my cow; but whether the
said cow were red or black; her horns long or short; whether the field I graze
her in be round or square; whether she was milked at home or abroad; what
diseases she is subject to, and the like; after which they consult precedents,
adjourn the cause from time to time, and in ten, twenty, or thirty years, come
to an issue.

"It is likewise to be observed, that this society has a peculiar cant and
jargon of their own, that no other mortal can understand, and wherein all their
laws are written, which they take special care to multiply; whereby they have
wholly confounded the very essence of truth and falsehood, of right and wrong;
so that it will take thirty years to decide, whether the field left me by my
ancestors for six generations belongs to me, or to a stranger three hundred
miles off.

"In the trial of persons accused for crimes against the state, the method is
much more short and commendable: the judge first sends to sound the disposition
of those in power, after which he can easily hang or save a criminal, strictly
preserving all due forms of law."

Here my master interposing, said, "it was a pity, that creatures endowed with
such prodigious abilities of mind, as these lawyers, by the description I gave
of them, must certainly be, were not rather encouraged to be instructors of
others in wisdom and knowledge." In answer to which I assured his honour, "that
in all points out of their own trade, they were usually the most ignorant and
stupid generation among us, the most despicable in common conversation, avowed
enemies to all knowledge and learning, and equally disposed to pervert the
general reason of mankind in every other subject of discourse as in that of
their own profession."

CHAPTER VI.

[A continuation of the state of England under Queen Anne. The character of a
first minister of state in European courts.]

My master was yet wholly at a loss to understand what motives could incite this
race of lawyers to perplex, disquiet, and weary themselves, and engage in a
confederacy of injustice, merely for the sake of injuring their fellow-animals;
neither could he comprehend what I meant in saying, they did it for hire.
Whereupon I was at much pains to describe to him the use of money, the
materials it was made of, and the value of the metals; "that when a Yahoo had
got a great store of this precious substance, he was able to purchase whatever
he had a mind to; the finest clothing, the noblest houses, great tracts of
land, the most costly meats and drinks, and have his choice of the most
beautiful females. Therefore since money alone was able to perform all these
feats, our Yahoos thought they could never have enough of it to spend, or to
save, as they found themselves inclined, from their natural bent either to
profusion or avarice; that the rich man enjoyed the fruit of the poor man's
labour, and the latter were a thousand to one in proportion to the former; that
the bulk of our people were forced to live miserably, by labouring every day
for small wages, to make a few live plentifully."

I enlarged myself much on these, and many other particulars to the same
purpose; but his honour was still to seek; for he went upon a supposition, that
all animals had a title to their share in the productions of the earth, and
especially those who presided over the rest. Therefore he desired I would let
him know, "what these costly meats were, and how any of us happened to want
them?" Whereupon I enumerated as many sorts as came into my head, with the
various methods of dressing them, which could not be done without sending
vessels by sea to every part of the world, as well for liquors to drink as for
sauces and innumerable other conveniences. I assured him "that this whole globe
of earth must be at least three times gone round before one of our better
female Yahoos could get her breakfast, or a cup to put it in." He said "that
must needs be a miserable country which cannot furnish food for its own
inhabitants. But what he chiefly wondered at was, how such vast tracts of
ground as I described should be wholly without fresh water, and the people put
to the necessity of sending over the sea for drink." I replied "that England
(the dear place of my nativity) was computed to produce three times the
quantity of food more than its inhabitants are able to consume, as well as
liquors extracted from grain, or pressed out of the fruit of certain trees,
which made excellent drink, and the same proportion in every other convenience
of life. But, in order to feed the luxury and intemperance of the males, and
the vanity of the females, we sent away the greatest part of our necessary
things to other countries, whence, in return, we brought the materials of
diseases, folly, and vice, to spend among ourselves. Hence it follows of
necessity, that vast numbers of our people are compelled to seek their
livelihood by begging, robbing, stealing, cheating, pimping, flattering,
suborning, forswearing, forging, gaming, lying, fawning, hectoring, voting,
scribbling, star-gazing, poisoning, whoring, canting, libelling, freethinking,
and the like occupations:" every one of which terms I was at much pains to make
him understand.

"That wine was not imported among us from foreign countries to supply the want
of water or other drinks, but because it was a sort of liquid which made us
merry by putting us out of our senses, diverted all melancholy thoughts, begat
wild extravagant imaginations in the brain, raised our hopes and banished our
fears, suspended every office of reason for a time, and deprived us of the use
of our limbs, till we fell into a profound sleep; although it must be
confessed, that we always awaked sick and dispirited; and that the use of this
liquor filled us with diseases which made our lives uncomfortable and short.

"But beside all this, the bulk of our people supported themselves by furnishing
the necessities or conveniences of life to the rich and to each other. For
instance, when I am at home, and dressed as I ought to be, I carry on my body
the workmanship of a hundred tradesmen; the building and furniture of my house
employ as many more, and five times the number to adorn my wife."

I was going on to tell him of another sort of people, who get their livelihood
by attending the sick, having, upon some occasions, informed his honour that
many of my crew had died of diseases. But here it was with the utmost
difficulty that I brought him to apprehend what I meant. "He could easily
conceive, that a Houyhnhnm, grew weak and heavy a few days before his death, or
by some accident might hurt a limb; but that nature, who works all things to
perfection, should suffer any pains to breed in our bodies, he thought
impossible, and desired to know the reason of so unaccountable an evil."

I told him "we fed on a thousand things which operated contrary to each other;
that we ate when we were not hungry, and drank without the provocation of
thirst; that we sat whole nights drinking strong liquors, without eating a bit,
which disposed us to sloth, inflamed our bodies, and precipitated or prevented
digestion; that prostitute female Yahoos acquired a certain malady, which bred
rottenness in the bones of those who fell into their embraces; that this, and
many other diseases, were propagated from father to son; so that great numbers
came into the world with complicated maladies upon them; that it would be
endless to give him a catalogue of all diseases incident to human bodies, for
they would not be fewer than five or six hundred, spread over every limb and
joint--in short, every part, external and intestine, having diseases
appropriated to itself. To remedy which, there was a sort of people bred up
among us in the profession, or pretence, of curing the sick. And because I had
some skill in the faculty, I would, in gratitude to his honour, let him know
the whole mystery and method by which they proceed.

"Their fundamental is, that all diseases arise from repletion; whence they
conclude, that a great evacuation of the body is necessary, either through the
natural passage or upwards at the mouth. Their next business is from herbs,
minerals, gums, oils, shells, salts, juices, sea-weed, excrements, barks of
trees, serpents, toads, frogs, spiders, dead men's flesh and bones, birds,
beasts, and fishes, to form a composition, for smell and taste, the most
abominable, nauseous, and detestable, they can possibly contrive, which the
stomach immediately rejects with loathing, and this they call a vomit; or else,
from the same store-house, with some other poisonous additions, they command us
to take in at the orifice above or below (just as the physician then happens to
be disposed) a medicine equally annoying and disgustful to the bowels; which,
relaxing the belly, drives down all before it; and this they call a purge, or a
clyster. For nature (as the physicians allege) having intended the superior
anterior orifice only for the intromission of solids and liquids, and the
inferior posterior for ejection, these artists ingeniously considering that in
all diseases nature is forced out of her seat, therefore, to replace her in it,
the body must be treated in a manner directly contrary, by interchanging the
use of each orifice; forcing solids and liquids in at the anus, and making
evacuations at the mouth.

"But, besides real diseases, we are subject to many that are only imaginary,
for which the physicians have invented imaginary cures; these have their
several names, and so have the drugs that are proper for them; and with these
our female Yahoos are always infested.

"One great excellency in this tribe, is their skill at prognostics, wherein
they seldom fail; their predictions in real diseases, when they rise to any
degree of malignity, generally portending death, which is always in their
power, when recovery is not: and therefore, upon any unexpected signs of
amendment, after they have pronounced their sentence, rather than be accused as
false prophets, they know how to approve their sagacity to the world, by a
seasonable dose.

"They are likewise of special use to husbands and wives who are grown weary of
their mates; to eldest sons, to great ministers of state, and often to
princes."

I had formerly, upon occasion, discoursed with my master upon the nature of
government in general, and particularly of our own excellent constitution,
deservedly the wonder and envy of the whole world. But having here accidentally
mentioned a minister of state, he commanded me, some time after, to inform him,
"what species of Yahoo I particularly meant by that appellation."

I told him, "that a first or chief minister of state, who was the person I
intended to describe, was the creature wholly exempt from joy and grief, love
and hatred, pity and anger; at least, makes use of no other passions, but a
violent desire of wealth, power, and titles; that he applies his words to all
uses, except to the indication of his mind; that he never tells a truth but
with an intent that you should take it for a lie; nor a lie, but with a design
that you should take it for a truth; that those he speaks worst of behind their
backs are in the surest way of preferment; and whenever he begins to praise you
to others, or to yourself, you are from that day forlorn. The worst mark you
can receive is a promise, especially when it is confirmed with an oath; after
which, every wise man retires, and gives over all hopes.

"There are three methods, by which a man may rise to be chief minister. The
first is, by knowing how, with prudence, to dispose of a wife, a daughter, or a
sister; the second, by betraying or undermining his predecessor; and the third
is, by a furious zeal, in public assemblies, against the corruption's of the
court. But a wise prince would rather choose to employ those who practise the
last of these methods; because such zealots prove always the most obsequious
and subservient to the will and passions of their master. That these ministers,
having all employments at their disposal, preserve themselves in power, by
bribing the majority of a senate or great council; and at last, by an
expedient, called an act of indemnity" (whereof I described the nature to him),
"they secure themselves from after-reckonings, and retire from the public laden
with the spoils of the nation.

"The palace of a chief minister is a seminary to breed up others in his own
trade: the pages, lackeys, and porters, by imitating their master, become
ministers of state in their several districts, and learn to excel in the three
principal ingredients, of insolence, lying, and bribery. Accordingly, they have
a subaltern court paid to them by persons of the best rank; and sometimes by
the force of dexterity and impudence, arrive, through several gradations, to be
successors to their lord.

"He is usually governed by a decayed wench, or favourite footman, who are the
tunnels through which all graces are conveyed, and may properly be called, in
the last resort, the governors of the kingdom."

One day, in discourse, my master, having heard me mention the nobility of my
country, was pleased to make me a compliment which I could not pretend to
deserve: "that he was sure I must have been born of some noble family, because
I far exceeded in shape, colour, and cleanliness, all the Yahoos of his nation,
although I seemed to fail in strength and agility, which must be imputed to my
different way of living from those other brutes; and besides I was not only
endowed with the faculty of speech, but likewise with some rudiments of reason,
to a degree that, with all his acquaintance, I passed for a prodigy."

He made me observe, "that among the Houyhnhnms, the white, the sorrel, and the
iron-gray, were not so exactly shaped as the bay, the dapple-gray, and the
black; nor born with equal talents of mind, or a capacity to improve them; and
therefore continued always in the condition of servants, without ever aspiring
to match out of their own race, which in that country would be reckoned
monstrous and unnatural."

I made his honour my most humble acknowledgments for the good opinion he was
pleased to conceive of me, but assured him at the same time, "that my birth was
of the lower sort, having been born of plain honest parents, who were just able
to give me a tolerable education; that nobility, among us, was altogether a
different thing from the idea he had of it; that our young noblemen are bred
from their childhood in idleness and luxury; that, as soon as years will
permit, they consume their vigour, and contract odious diseases among lewd
females; and when their fortunes are almost ruined, they marry some woman of
mean birth, disagreeable person, and unsound constitution (merely for the sake
of money), whom they hate and despise. That the productions of such marriages
are generally scrofulous, rickety, or deformed children; by which means the
family seldom continues above three generations, unless the wife takes care to
provide a healthy father, among her neighbours or domestics, in order to
improve and continue the breed. That a weak diseased body, a meagre
countenance, and sallow complexion, are the true marks of noble blood; and a
healthy robust appearance is so disgraceful in a man of quality, that the world
concludes his real father to have been a groom or a coachman. The imperfections
of his mind run parallel with those of his body, being a composition of spleen,
dullness, ignorance, caprice, sensuality, and pride.

"Without the consent of this illustrious body, no law can be enacted, repealed,
or altered: and these nobles have likewise the decision of all our possessions,
without appeal."~^

CHAPTER VII.

[The author's great love of his native country. His master's observations upon
the constitution and administration of England, as described by the author,
with parallel cases and comparisons. His master's observations upon human
nature.]

The reader may be disposed to wonder how I could prevail on myself to give so
free a representation of my own species, among a race of mortals who are
already too apt to conceive the vilest opinion of humankind, from that entire
congruity between me and their Yahoos. But I must freely confess, that the many
virtues of those excellent quadrupeds, placed in opposite view to human
corruptions, had so far opened my eyes and enlarged my understanding, that I
began to view the actions and passions of man in a very different light, and to
think the honour of my own kind not worth managing; which, besides, it was
impossible for me to do, before a person of so acute a judgment as my master,
who daily convinced me of a thousand faults in myself, whereof I had not the
least perception before, and which, with us, would never be numbered even among
human infirmities. I had likewise learned, from his example, an utter
detestation of all falsehood or disguise; and truth appeared so amiable to me,
that I determined upon sacrificing every thing to it.

Let me deal so candidly with the reader as to confess that there was yet a much
stronger motive for the freedom I took in my representation of things. I had
not yet been a year in this country before I contracted such a love and
veneration for the inhabitants, that I entered on a firm resolution never to
return to humankind, but to pass the rest of my life among these admirable
Houyhnhnms, in the contemplation and practice of every virtue, where I could
have no example or incitement to vice. But it was decreed by fortune, my
perpetual enemy, that so great a felicity should not fall to my share. However,
it is now some comfort to reflect, that in what I said of my countrymen, I
extenuated their faults as much as I durst before so strict an examiner; and
upon every article gave as favourable a turn as the matter would bear. For,
indeed, who is there alive that will not be swayed by his bias and partiality
to the place of his birth?

I have related the substance of several conversations I had with my master
during the greatest part of the time I had the honour to be in his service; but
have, indeed, for brevity sake, omitted much more than is here set down.

When I had answered all his questions, and his curiosity seemed to be fully
satisfied, he sent for me one morning early, and commanded me to sit down at
some distance (an honour which he had never before conferred upon me). He said,
"he had been very seriously considering my whole story, as far as it related
both to myself and my country; that he looked upon us as a sort of animals, to
whose share, by what accident he could not conjecture, some small pittance of
reason had fallen, whereof we made no other use, than by its assistance, to
aggravate our natural corruptions, and to acquire new ones, which nature had
not given us; that we disarmed ourselves of the few abilities she had bestowed;
had been very successful in multiplying our original wants, and seemed to spend
our whole lives in vain endeavours to supply them by our own inventions; that,
as to myself, it was manifest I had neither the strength nor agility of a
common Yahoo; that I walked infirmly on my hinder feet; had found out a
contrivance to make my claws of no use or defence, and to remove the hair from
my chin, which was intended as a shelter from the sun and the weather: lastly,
that I could neither run with speed, nor climb trees like my brethren," as he
called them, "the Yahoos in his country.

"That our institutions of government and law were plainly owing to our gross
defects in reason, and by consequence in virtue; because reason alone is
sufficient to govern a rational creature; which was, therefore, a character we
had no pretence to challenge, even from the account I had given of my own
people; although he manifestly perceived, that, in order to favour them, I had
concealed many particulars, and often said the thing which was not.

"He was the more confirmed in this opinion, because, he observed, that as I
agreed in every feature of my body with other Yahoos, except where it was to my
real disadvantage in point of strength, speed, and activity, the shortness of
my claws, and some other particulars where nature had no part; so from the
representation I had given him of our lives, our manners, and our actions, he
found as near a resemblance in the disposition of our minds." He said, "the
Yahoos were known to hate one another, more than they did any different species
of animals; and the reason usually assigned was, the odiousness of their own
shapes, which all could see in the rest, but not in themselves. He had
therefore begun to think it not unwise in us to cover our bodies, and by that
invention conceal many of our deformities from each other, which would else be
hardly supportable. But he now found he had been mistaken, and that the
dissensions of those brutes in his country were owing to the same cause with
ours, as I had described them. For if," said he, "you throw among five Yahoos
as much food as would be sufficient for fifty, they will, instead of eating
peaceably, fall together by the ears, each single one impatient to have all to
itself; and therefore a servant was usually employed to stand by while they
were feeding abroad, and those kept at home were tied at a distance from each
other: that if a cow died of age or accident, before a Houyhnhnm could secure
it for his own Yahoos, those in the neighbourhood would come in herds to seize
it, and then would ensue such a battle as I had described, with terrible wounds
made by their claws on both sides, although they seldom were able to kill one
another, for want of such convenient instruments of death as we had invented.
At other times, the like battles have been fought between the Yahoos of several
neighbourhoods, without any visible cause; those of one district watching all
opportunities to surprise the next, before they are prepared. But if they find
their project has miscarried, they return home, and, for want of enemies,
engage in what I call a civil war among themselves.

"That in some fields of his country there are certain shining stones of several
colours, whereof the Yahoos are violently fond: and when part of these stones
is fixed in the earth, as it sometimes happens, they will dig with their claws
for whole days to get them out; then carry them away, and hide them by heaps in
their kennels; but still looking round with great caution, for fear their
comrades should find out their treasure." My master said, "he could never
discover the reason of this unnatural appetite, or how these stones could be of
any use to a Yahoo; but now he believed it might proceed from the same
principle of avarice which I had ascribed to mankind. That he had once, by way
of experiment, privately removed a heap of these stones from the place where
one of his Yahoos had buried it; whereupon the sordid animal, missing his
treasure, by his loud lamenting brought the whole herd to the place, there
miserably howled, then fell to biting and tearing the rest, began to pine away,
would neither eat, nor sleep, nor work, till he ordered a servant privately to
convey the stones into the same hole, and hide them as before; which, when his
Yahoo had found, he presently recovered his spirits and good humour, but took
good care to remove them to a better hiding place, and has ever since been a
very serviceable brute."

My master further assured me, which I also observed myself, "that in the fields
where the shining stones abound, the fiercest and most frequent battles are
fought, occasioned by perpetual inroads of the neighbouring Yahoos."

He said, "it was common, when two Yahoos discovered such a stone in a field,
and were contending which of them should be the proprietor, a third would take
the advantage, and carry it away from them both;" which my master would needs
contend to have some kind of resemblance with our suits at law; wherein I
thought it for our credit not to undeceive him; since the decision he mentioned
was much more equitable than many decrees among us; because the plaintiff and
defendant there lost nothing beside the stone they contended for: whereas our
courts of equity would never have dismissed the cause, while either of them had
any thing left.

My master, continuing his discourse, said, "there was nothing that rendered the
Yahoos more odious, than their undistinguishing appetite to devour every thing
that came in their way, whether herbs, roots, berries, the corrupted flesh of
animals, or all mingled together: and it was peculiar in their temper, that
they were fonder of what they could get by rapine or stealth, at a greater
distance, than much better food provided for them at home. If their prey held
out, they would eat till they were ready to burst; after which, nature had
pointed out to them a certain root that gave them a general evacuation.

"There was also another kind of root, very juicy, but somewhat rare and
difficult to be found, which the Yahoos sought for with much eagerness, and
would suck it with great delight; it produced in them the same effects that
wine has upon us. It would make them sometimes hug, and sometimes tear one
another; they would howl, and grin, and chatter, and reel, and tumble, and then
fall asleep in the mud."

I did indeed observe that the Yahoos were the only animals in this country
subject to any diseases; which, however, were much fewer than horses have among
us, and contracted, not by any ill-treatment they meet with, but by the
nastiness and greediness of that sordid brute. Neither has their language any
more than a general appellation for those maladies, which is borrowed from the
name of the beast, and called hnea-yahoo, or Yahoo's evil; and the cure
prescribed is a mixture of their own dung and urine, forcibly put down the
Yahoo's throat. This I have since often known to have been taken with success,
and do here freely recommend it to my countrymen for the public good, as an
admirable specific against all diseases produced by repletion.

"As to learning, government, arts, manufactures, and the like," my master
confessed, "he could find little or no resemblance between the Yahoos of that
country and those in ours; for he only meant to observe what parity there was
in our natures. He had heard, indeed, some curious Houyhnhnms observe, that in
most herds there was a sort of ruling Yahoo (as among us there is generally
some leading or principal stag in a park), who was always more deformed in
body, and mischievous in disposition, than any of the rest; that this leader
had usually a favourite as like himself as he could get, whose employment was
to lick his master's feet and posteriors, and drive the female Yahoos to his
kennel; for which he was now and then rewarded with a piece of ass's flesh.
This favourite is hated by the whole herd, and therefore, to protect himself,
keeps always near the person of his leader. He usually continues in office till
a worse can be found; but the very moment he is discarded, his successor, at
the head of all the Yahoos in that district, young and old, male and female,
come in a body, and discharge their excrements upon him from head to foot. But
how far this might be applicable to our courts, and favourites, and ministers
of state, my master said I could best determine."

I durst make no return to this malicious insinuation, which debased human
understanding below the sagacity of a common hound, who has judgment enough to
distinguish and follow the cry of the ablest dog in the pack, without being
ever mistaken.

My master told me, "there were some qualities remarkable in the Yahoos, which
he had not observed me to mention, or at least very slightly, in the accounts I
had given of humankind." He said, "those animals, like other brutes, had their
females in common; but in this they differed, that the she Yahoo would admit
the males while she was pregnant; and that the hes would quarrel and fight with
the females, as fiercely as with each other; both which practices were such
degrees of infamous brutality, as no other sensitive creature ever arrived at.

"Another thing he wondered at in the Yahoos, was their strange disposition to
nastiness and dirt; whereas there appears to be a natural love of cleanliness
in all other animals." As to the two former accusations, I was glad to let them
pass without any reply, because I had not a word to offer upon them in defence
of my species, which otherwise I certainly had done from my own inclinations.
But I could have easily vindicated humankind from the imputation of singularity
upon the last article, if there had been any swine in that country (as
unluckily for me there were not), which, although it may be a sweeter quadruped
than a Yahoo, cannot, I humbly conceive, in justice, pretend to more
cleanliness; and so his honour himself must have owned, if he had seen their
filthy way of feeding, and their custom of wallowing and sleeping in the mud.

My master likewise mentioned another quality which his servants had discovered
in several Yahoos, and to him was wholly unaccountable. He said, "a fancy would
sometimes take a Yahoo to retire into a corner, to lie down, and howl, and
groan, and spurn away all that came near him, although he were young and fat,
wanted neither food nor water, nor did the servant imagine what could possibly
ail him. And the only remedy they found was, to set him to hard work, after
which he would infallibly come to himself." To this I was silent out of
partiality to my own kind; yet here I could plainly discover the true seeds of
spleen, which only seizes on the lazy, the luxurious, and the rich; who, if
they were forced to undergo the same regimen, I would undertake for the cure.

His honour had further observed, "that a female Yahoo would often stand behind
a bank or a bush, to gaze on the young males passing by, and then appear, and
hide, using many antic gestures and grimaces, at which time it was observed
that she had a most offensive smell; and when any of the males advanced, would
slowly retire, looking often back, and with a counterfeit show of fear, run off
into some convenient place, where she knew the male would follow her.

"At other times, if a female stranger came among them, three or four of her own
sex would get about her, and stare, and chatter, and grin, and smell her all
over; and then turn off with gestures, that seemed to express contempt and
disdain."

Perhaps my master might refine a little in these speculations, which he had
drawn from what he observed himself, or had been told him by others; however, I
could not reflect without some amazement, and much sorrow, that the rudiments
of lewdness, coquetry, censure, and scandal, should have place by instinct in
womankind.

I expected every moment that my master would accuse the Yahoos of those
unnatural appetites in both sexes, so common among us. But nature, it seems,
has not been so expert a school-mistress; and these politer pleasures are
entirely the productions of art and reason on our side of the globe.

CHAPTER VIII.

[The author relates several particulars of the Yahoos. The great virtues of the
Houyhnhnms. The education and exercise of their youth. Their general assembly.]

As I ought to have understood human nature much better than I supposed it
possible for my master to do, so it was easy to apply the character he gave of
the Yahoos to myself and my countrymen; and I believed I could yet make further
discoveries, from my own observation. I therefore often begged his honour to
let me go among the herds of Yahoos in the neighbourhood; to which he always
very graciously consented, being perfectly convinced that the hatred I bore
these brutes would never suffer me to be corrupted by them; and his honour
ordered one of his servants, a strong sorrel nag, very honest and good-natured,
to be my guard; without whose protection I durst not undertake such adventures.
For I have already told the reader how much I was pestered by these odious
animals, upon my first arrival; and I afterwards failed very narrowly, three or
four times, of falling into their clutches, when I happened to stray at any
distance without my hanger. And I have reason to believe they had some
imagination that I was of their own species, which I often assisted myself by
stripping up my sleeves, and showing my naked arms and breasts in their sight,
when my protector was with me. At which times they would approach as near as
they durst, and imitate my actions after the manner of monkeys, but ever with
great signs of hatred; as a tame jackdaw with cap and stockings is always
persecuted by the wild ones, when he happens to be got among them.

They are prodigiously nimble from their infancy. However, I once caught a young
male of three years old, and endeavoured, by all marks of tenderness, to make
it quiet; but the little imp fell a squalling, and scratching, and biting with
such violence, that I was forced to let it go; and it was high time, for a
whole troop of old ones came about us at the noise, but finding the cub was
safe (for away it ran), and my sorrel nag being by, they durst not venture near
us. I observed the young animal's flesh to smell very rank, and the stink was
somewhat between a weasel and a fox, but much more disagreeable. I forgot
another circumstance (and perhaps I might have the reader's pardon if it were
wholly omitted), that while I held the odious vermin in my hands, it voided its
filthy excrements of a yellow liquid substance all over my clothes; but by good
fortune there was a small brook hard by, where I washed myself as clean as I
could; although I durst not come into my master's presence until I were
sufficiently aired.

By what I could discover, the Yahoos appear to be the most unteachable of all
animals: their capacity never reaching higher than to draw or carry burdens.
Yet I am of opinion, this defect arises chiefly from a perverse, restive
disposition; for they are cunning, malicious, treacherous, and revengeful. They
are strong and hardy, but of a cowardly spirit, and, by consequence, insolent,
abject, and cruel. It is observed, that the red haired of both sexes are more
libidinous and mischievous than the rest, whom yet they much exceed in strength
and activity.

The Houyhnhnms keep the Yahoos for present use in huts not far from the house;
but the rest are sent abroad to certain fields, where they dig up roots, eat
several kinds of herbs, and search about for carrion, or sometimes catch
weasels and luhimuhs (a sort of wild rat), which they greedily devour. Nature
has taught them to dig deep holes with their nails on the side of a rising
ground, wherein they lie by themselves; only the kennels of the females are
larger, sufficient to hold two or three cubs.

They swim from their infancy like frogs, and are able to continue long under
water, where they often take fish, which the females carry home to their young.
And, upon this occasion, I hope the reader will pardon my relating an odd
adventure.

Being one day abroad with my protector the sorrel nag, and the weather
exceeding hot, I entreated him to let me bathe in a river that was near. He
consented, and I immediately stripped myself stark naked, and went down softly
into the stream. It happened that a young female Yahoo, standing behind a bank,
saw the whole proceeding, and inflamed by desire, as the nag and I conjectured,
came running with all speed, and leaped into the water, within five yards of
the place where I bathed. I was never in my life so terribly frightened. The
nag was grazing at some distance, not suspecting any harm. She embraced me
after a most fulsome manner. I roared as loud as I could, and the nag came
galloping towards me, whereupon she quitted her grasp, with the utmost
reluctancy, and leaped upon the opposite bank, where she stood gazing and
howling all the time I was putting on my clothes.

This was a matter of diversion to my master and his family, as well as of
mortification to myself. For now I could no longer deny that I was a real Yahoo
in every limb and feature, since the females had a natural propensity to me, as
one of their own species. Neither was the hair of this brute of a red colour
(which might have been some excuse for an appetite a little irregular), but
black as a sloe, and her countenance did not make an appearance altogether so
hideous as the rest of her kind; for I think she could not be above eleven
years old.

Having lived three years in this country, the reader, I suppose, will expect
that I should, like other travellers, give him some account of the manners and
customs of its inhabitants, which it was indeed my principal study to learn.

As these noble Houyhnhnms are endowed by nature with a general disposition to
all virtues, and have no conceptions or ideas of what is evil in a rational
creature, so their grand maxim is, to cultivate reason, and to be wholly
governed by it. Neither is reason among them a point problematical, as with us,
where men can argue with plausibility on both sides of the question, but
strikes you with immediate conviction; as it must needs do, where it is not
mingled, obscured, or discoloured, by passion and interest. I remember it was
with extreme difficulty that I could bring my master to understand the meaning
of the word opinion, or how a point could be disputable; because reason taught
us to affirm or deny only where we are certain; and beyond our knowledge we
cannot do either. So that controversies, wranglings, disputes, and
positiveness, in false or dubious propositions, are evils unknown among the
Houyhnhnms. In the like manner, when I used to explain to him our several
systems of natural philosophy, he would laugh, "that a creature pretending to
reason, should value itself upon the knowledge of other people's conjectures,
and in things where that knowledge, if it were certain, could be of no use."
Wherein he agreed entirely with the sentiments of Socrates, as Plato delivers
them; which I mention as the highest honour I can do that prince of
philosophers. I have often since reflected, what destruction such doctrine
would make in the libraries of Europe; and how many paths of fame would be then
shut up in the learned world.

Friendship and benevolence are the two principal virtues among the Houyhnhnms;
and these not confined to particular objects, but universal to the whole race;
for a stranger from the remotest part is equally treated with the nearest
neighbour, and wherever he goes, looks upon himself as at home. They preserve
decency and civility in the highest degrees, but are altogether ignorant of
ceremony. They have no fondness for their colts or foals, but the care they
take in educating them proceeds entirely from the dictates of reason. And I
observed my master to show the same affection to his neighbour's issue, that he
had for his own. They will have it that nature teaches them to love the whole
species, and it is reason only that makes a distinction of persons, where there
is a superior degree of virtue.

When the matron Houyhnhnms have produced one of each sex, they no longer
accompany with their consorts, except they lose one of their issue by some
casualty, which very seldom happens; but in such a case they meet again; or
when the like accident befalls a person whose wife is past bearing, some other
couple bestow on him one of their own colts, and then go together again until
the mother is pregnant. This caution is necessary, to prevent the country from
being overburdened with numbers. But the race of inferior Houyhnhnms, bred up
to be servants, is not so strictly limited upon this article: these are allowed
to produce three of each sex, to be domestics in the noble families.

In their marriages, they are exactly careful to choose such colours as will not
make any disagreeable mixture in the breed. Strength is chiefly valued in the
male, and comeliness in the female; not upon the account of love, but to
preserve the race from degenerating; for where a female happens to excel in
strength, a consort is chosen, with regard to comeliness.

Courtship, love, presents, jointures, settlements have no place in their
thoughts, or terms whereby to express them in their language. The young couple
meet, and are joined, merely because it is the determination of their parents
and friends; it is what they see done every day, and they look upon it as one
of the necessary actions of a reasonable being. But the violation of marriage,
or any other unchastity, was never heard of; and the married pair pass their
lives with the same friendship and mutual benevolence, that they bear to all
others of the same species who come in their way, without jealousy, fondness,
quarrelling, or discontent.

In educating the youth of both sexes, their method is admirable, and highly
deserves our imitation. These are not suffered to taste a grain of oats, except
upon certain days, till eighteen years old; nor milk, but very rarely; and in
summer they graze two hours in the morning, and as many in the evening, which
their parents likewise observe; but the servants are not allowed above half
that time, and a great part of their grass is brought home, which they eat at
the most convenient hours, when they can be best spared from work.

Temperance, industry, exercise, and cleanliness, are the lessons equally
enjoined to the young ones of both sexes: and my master thought it monstrous in
us, to give the females a different kind of education from the males, except in
some articles of domestic management; whereby, as he truly observed, one half
of our natives were good for nothing but bringing children into the world; and
to trust the care of our children to such useless animals, he said, was yet a
greater instance of brutality.

But the Houyhnhnms train up their youth to strength, speed, and hardiness, by
exercising them in running races up and down steep hills, and over hard stony
grounds; and when they are all in a sweat, they are ordered to leap over head
and ears into a pond or river. Four times a year the youth of a certain
district meet to show their proficiency in running and leaping, and other feats
of strength and agility; where the victor is rewarded with a song in his or her
praise. On this festival, the servants drive a herd of Yahoos into the field,
laden with hay, and oats, and milk, for a repast to the Houyhnhnms; after
which, these brutes are immediately driven back again, for fear of being
noisome to the assembly.

Every fourth year, at the vernal equinox, there is a representative council of
the whole nation, which meets in a plain about twenty miles from our house, and
continues about five or six days. Here they inquire into the state and
condition of the several districts; whether they abound or be deficient in hay
or oats, or cows, or Yahoos; and wherever there is any want (which is but
seldom) it is immediately supplied by unanimous consent and contribution. Here
likewise the regulation of children is settled: as for instance, if a Houyhnhnm
has two males, he changes one of them with another that has two females; and
when a child has been lost by any casualty, where the mother is past breeding,
it is determined what family in the district shall breed another to supply the
loss.

CHAPTER IX.

[A grand debate at the general assembly of the Houyhnhnms, and how it was
determined. The learning of the Houyhnhnms. Their buildings. Their manner of
burials. The defectiveness of their language.]

One of these grand assemblies was held in my time, about three months before my
departure, whither my master went as the representative of our district. In
this council was resumed their old debate, and indeed the only debate that ever
happened in their country; whereof my master, after his return, give me a very
particular account.

The question to be debated was, "whether the Yahoos should be exterminated from
the face of the earth?" One of the members for the affirmative offered several
arguments of great strength and weight, alleging, "that as the Yahoos were the
most filthy, noisome, and deformed animals which nature ever produced, so they
were the most restive and indocible, mischievous and malicious; they would
privately suck the teats of the Houyhnhnms' cows, kill and devour their cats,
trample down their oats and grass, if they were not continually watched, and
commit a thousand other extravagancies." He took notice of a general tradition,
"that Yahoos had not been always in their country; but that many ages ago, two
of these brutes appeared together upon a mountain; whether produced by the heat
of the sun upon corrupted mud and slime, or from the ooze and froth of the sea,
was never known; that these Yahoos engendered, and their brood, in a short
time, grew so numerous as to overrun and infest the whole nation; that the
Houyhnhnms, to get rid of this evil, made a general hunting, and at last
enclosed the whole herd; and destroying the elder, every Houyhnhnm kept two
young ones in a kennel, and brought them to such a degree of tameness, as an
animal, so savage by nature, can be capable of acquiring, using them for
draught and carriage; that there seemed to be much truth in this tradition, and
that those creatures could not be yinhniamshy (or aborigines of the land),
because of the violent hatred the Houyhnhnms, as well as all other animals,
bore them, which, although their evil disposition sufficiently deserved, could
never have arrived at so high a degree if they had been aborigines, or else
they would have long since been rooted out; that the inhabitants, taking a
fancy to use the service of the Yahoos, had, very imprudently, neglected to
cultivate the breed of asses, which are a comely animal, easily kept, more tame
and orderly, without any offensive smell, strong enough for labour, although
they yield to the other in agility of body, and if their braying be no
agreeable sound, it is far preferable to the horrible howlings of the Yahoos."

Several others declared their sentiments to the same purpose, when my master
proposed an expedient to the assembly, whereof he had indeed borrowed the hint
from me. "He approved of the tradition mentioned by the honourable member who
spoke before, and affirmed, that the two Yahoos said to be seen first among
them, had been driven thither over the sea; that coming to land, and being
forsaken by their companions, they retired to the mountains, and degenerating
by degrees, became in process of time much more savage than those of their own
species in the country whence these two originals came. The reason of this
assertion was, that he had now in his possession a certain wonderful Yahoo
(meaning myself) which most of them had heard of, and many of them had seen. He
then related to them how he first found me; that my body was all covered with
an artificial composure of the skins and hairs of other animals; that I spoke
in a language of my own, and had thoroughly learned theirs; that I had related
to him the accidents which brought me thither; that when he saw me without my
covering, I was an exact Yahoo in every part, only of a whiter colour, less
hairy, and with shorter claws. He added, how I had endeavoured to persuade him,
that in my own and other countries, the Yahoos acted as the governing, rational
animal, and held the Houyhnhnms in servitude; that he observed in me all the
qualities of a Yahoo, only a little more civilized by some tincture of reason,
which, however, was in a degree as far inferior to the Houyhnhnm race, as the
Yahoos of their country were to me; that, among other things, I mentioned a
custom we had of castrating Houyhnhnms when they were young, in order to render
them tame; that the operation was easy and safe; that it was no shame to learn
wisdom from brutes, as industry is taught by the ant, and building by the
swallow (for so I translate the word lyhannh, although it be a much larger
fowl); that this invention might be practised upon the younger Yahoos here,
which besides rendering them tractable and fitter for use, would in an age put
an end to the whole species, without destroying life; that in the mean time the
Houyhnhnms should be exhorted to cultivate the breed of asses, which, as they
are in all respects more valuable brutes, so they have this advantage, to be
fit for service at five years old, which the others are not till twelve."

This was all my master thought fit to tell me, at that time, of what passed in
the grand council. But he was pleased to conceal one particular, which related
personally to myself, whereof I soon felt the unhappy effect, as the reader
will know in its proper place, and whence I date all the succeeding misfortunes
of my life.

The Houyhnhnms have no letters, and consequently their knowledge is all
traditional. But there happening few events of any moment among a people so
well united, naturally disposed to every virtue, wholly governed by reason, and
cut off from all commerce with other nations, the historical part is easily
preserved without burdening their memories. I have already observed that they
are subject to no diseases, and therefore can have no need of physicians.
However, they have excellent medicines, composed of herbs, to cure accidental
bruises and cuts in the pastern or frog of the foot, by sharp stones, as well
as other maims and hurts in the several parts of the body.

They calculate the year by the revolution of the sun and moon, but use no
subdivisions into weeks. They are well enough acquainted with the motions of
those two luminaries, and understand the nature of eclipses; and this is the
utmost progress of their astronomy.

In poetry, they must be allowed to excel all other mortals; wherein the
justness of their similes, and the minuteness as well as exactness of their
descriptions, are indeed inimitable. Their verses abound very much in both of
these, and usually contain either some exalted notions of friendship and
benevolence or the praises of those who were victors in races and other bodily
exercises. Their buildings, although very rude and simple, are not
inconvenient, but well contrived to defend them from all injuries of and heat.
They have a kind of tree, which at forty years old loosens in the root, and
falls with the first storm: it grows very straight, and being pointed like
stakes with a sharp stone (for the Houyhnhnms know not the use of iron), they
stick them erect in the ground, about ten inches asunder, and then weave in oat
straw, or sometimes wattles, between them. The roof is made after the same
manner, and so are the doors.

The Houyhnhnms use the hollow part, between the pastern and the hoof of their
fore-foot, as we do our hands, and this with greater dexterity than I could at
first imagine. I have seen a white mare of our family thread a needle (which I
lent her on purpose) with that joint. They milk their cows, reap their oats,
and do all the work which requires hands, in the same manner. They have a kind
of hard flints, which, by grinding against other stones, they form into
instruments, that serve instead of wedges, axes, and hammers. With tools made
of these flints, they likewise cut their hay, and reap their oats, which there
grow naturally in several fields; the Yahoos draw home the sheaves in
carriages, and the servants tread them in certain covered huts to get out the
grain, which is kept in stores. They make a rude kind of earthen and wooden
vessels, and bake the former in the sun.

If they can avoid casualties, they die only of old age, and are buried in the
obscurest places that can be found, their friends and relations expressing
neither joy nor grief at their departure; nor does the dying person discover
the least regret that he is leaving the world, any more than if he were upon
returning home from a visit to one of his neighbours. I remember my master
having once made an appointment with a friend and his family to come to his
house, upon some affair of importance: on the day fixed, the mistress and her
two children came very late; she made two excuses, first for her husband, who,
as she said, happened that very morning to shnuwnh. The word is strongly
expressive in their language, but not easily rendered into English; it
signifies, "to retire to his first mother." Her excuse for not coming sooner,
was, that her husband dying late in the morning, she was a good while
consulting her servants about a convenient place where his body should be laid;
and I observed, she behaved herself at our house as cheerfully as the rest. She
died about three months after.

They live generally to seventy, or seventy-five years, very seldom to
fourscore. Some weeks before their death, they feel a gradual decay; but
without pain. During this time they are much visited by their friends, because
they cannot go abroad with their usual ease and satisfaction. However, about
ten days before their death, which they seldom fail in computing, they return
the visits that have been made them by those who are nearest in the
neighbourhood, being carried in a convenient sledge drawn by Yahoos; which
vehicle they use, not only upon this occasion, but when they grow old, upon
long journeys, or when they are lamed by any accident: and therefore when the
dying Houyhnhnms return those visits, they take a solemn leave of their
friends, as if they were going to some remote part of the country, where they
designed to pass the rest of their lives.

I know not whether it may be worth observing, that the Houyhnhnms have no word
in their language to express any thing that is evil, except what they borrow
from the deformities or ill qualities of the Yahoos. Thus they denote the folly
of a servant, an omission of a child, a stone that cuts their feet, a
continuance of foul or unseasonable weather, and the like, by adding to each
the epithet of Yahoo. For instance, hhnm Yahoo; whnaholm Yahoo, ynlhmndwihlma
Yahoo, and an ill-contrived house ynholmhnmrohlnw Yahoo.

I could, with great pleasure, enlarge further upon the manners and virtues of
this excellent people; but intending in a short time to publish a volume by
itself, expressly upon that subject, I refer the reader thither; and, in the
mean time, proceed to relate my own sad catastrophe.

CHAPTER X.

[The author's economy, and happy life, among the Houyhnhnms. His great
improvement in virtue by conversing with them. Their conversations. The author
has notice given him by his master, that he must depart from the country. He
falls into a swoon for grief; but submits. He contrives and finishes a canoe by
the help of a fellow-servant, and puts to sea at a venture.]

I had settled my little economy to my own heart's content. My master had
ordered a room to be made for me, after their manner, about six yards from the
house: the sides and floors of which I plastered with clay, and covered with
rush-mats of my own contriving. I had beaten hemp, which there grows wild, and
made of it a sort of ticking; this I filled with the feathers of several birds
I had taken with springes made of Yahoos' hairs, and were excellent food. I had
worked two chairs with my knife, the sorrel nag helping me in the grosser and
more laborious part. When my clothes were worn to rags, I made myself others
with the skins of rabbits, and of a certain beautiful animal, about the same
size, called nnuhnoh, the skin of which is covered with a fine down. Of these I
also made very tolerable stockings. I soled my shoes with wood, which I cut
from a tree, and fitted to the upper-leather; and when this was worn out, I
supplied it with the skins of Yahoos dried in the sun. I often got honey out of
hollow trees, which I mingled with water, or ate with my bread. No man could
more verify the truth of these two maxims, "That nature is very easily
satisfied;" and, "That necessity is the mother of invention." I enjoyed perfect
health of body, and tranquillity of mind; I did not feel the treachery or
inconstancy of a friend, nor the injuries of a secret or open enemy. I had no
occasion of bribing, flattering, or pimping, to procure the favour of any great
man, or of his minion; I wanted no fence against fraud or oppression: here was
neither physician to destroy my body, nor lawyer to ruin my fortune; no
informer to watch my words and actions, or forge accusations against me for
hire: here were no gibers, censurers, backbiters, pickpockets, highwaymen,
housebreakers, attorneys, bawds, buffoons, gamesters, politicians, wits,
splenetics, tedious talkers, controvertists, ravishers, murderers, robbers,
virtuosos; no leaders, or followers, of party and faction; no encouragers to
vice, by seducement or examples; no dungeon, axes, gibbets, whipping-posts, or
pillories; no cheating shopkeepers or mechanics; no pride, vanity, or
affectation; no fops, bullies, drunkards, strolling whores, or poxes; no
ranting, lewd, expensive wives; no stupid, proud pedants; no importunate,
overbearing, quarrelsome, noisy, roaring, empty, conceited, swearing
companions; no scoundrels raised from the dust upon the merit of their vices,
or nobility thrown into it on account of their virtues; no lords, fiddlers,
judges, or dancing-masters.

I had the favour of being admitted to several Houyhnhnms, who came to visit or
dine with my master; where his honour graciously suffered me to wait in the
room, and listen to their discourse. Both he and his company would often
descend to ask me questions, and receive my answers. I had also sometimes the
honour of attending my master in his visits to others. I never presumed to
speak, except in answer to a question; and then I did it with inward regret,
because it was a loss of so much time for improving myself; but I was
infinitely delighted with the station of an humble auditor in such
conversations, where nothing passed but what was useful, expressed in the
fewest and most significant words; where, as I have already said, the greatest
decency was observed, without the least degree of ceremony; where no person
spoke without being pleased himself, and pleasing his companions; where there
was no interruption, tediousness, heat, or difference of sentiments. They have
a notion, that when people are met together, a short silence does much improve
conversation: this I found to be true; for during those little intermissions of
talk, new ideas would arise in their minds, which very much enlivened the
discourse. Their subjects are, generally on friendship and benevolence, on
order and economy; sometimes upon the visible operations of nature, or ancient
traditions; upon the bounds and limits of virtue; upon the unerring rules of
reason, or upon some determinations to be taken at the next great assembly: and
often upon the various excellences of poetry. I may add, without vanity, that
my presence often gave them sufficient matter for discourse, because it
afforded my master an occasion of letting his friends into the history of me
and my country, upon which they were all pleased to descant, in a manner not
very advantageous to humankind: and for that reason I shall not repeat what
they said; only I may be allowed to observe, that his honour, to my great
admiration, appeared to understand the nature of Yahoos much better than
myself. He went through all our vices and follies, and discovered many, which I
had never mentioned to him, by only supposing what qualities a Yahoo of their
country, with a small proportion of reason, might be capable of exerting; and
concluded, with too much probability, "how vile, as well as miserable, such a
creature must be."

I freely confess, that all the little knowledge I have of any value, was
acquired by the lectures I received from my master, and from hearing the
discourses of him and his friends; to which I should be prouder to listen, than
to dictate to the greatest and wisest assembly in Europe. I admired the
strength, comeliness, and speed of the inhabitants; and such a constellation of
virtues, in such amiable persons, produced in me the highest veneration. At
first, indeed, I did not feel that natural awe, which the Yahoos and all other
animals bear toward them; but it grew upon me by decrees, much sooner than I
imagined, and was mingled with a respectful love and gratitude, that they would
condescend to distinguish me from the rest of my species.

When I thought of my family, my friends, my countrymen, or the human race in
general, I considered them, as they really were, Yahoos in shape and
disposition, perhaps a little more civilized, and qualified with the gift of
speech; but making no other use of reason, than to improve and multiply those
vices whereof their brethren in this country had only the share that nature
allotted them. When I happened to behold the reflection of my own form in a
lake or fountain, I turned away my face in horror and detestation of myself,
and could better endure the sight of a common Yahoo than of my own person. By
conversing with the Houyhnhnms, and looking upon them with delight, I fell to
imitate their gait and gesture, which is now grown into a habit; and my friends
often tell me, in a blunt way, "that I trot like a horse;" which, however, I
take for a great compliment. Neither shall I disown, that in speaking I am apt
to fall into the voice and manner of the Houyhnhnms, and hear myself ridiculed
on that account, without the least mortification.

In the midst of all this happiness, and when I looked upon myself to be fully
settled for life, my master sent for me one morning a little earlier than his
usual hour. I observed by his countenance that he was in some perplexity, and
at a loss how to begin what he had to speak. After a short silence, he told me,
"he did not know how I would take what he was going to say: that in the last
general assembly, when the affair of the Yahoos was entered upon, the
representatives had taken offence at his keeping a Yahoo (meaning myself) in
his family, more like a Houyhnhnm than a brute animal; that he was known
frequently to converse with me, as if he could receive some advantage or
pleasure in my company; that such a practice was not agreeable to reason or
nature, or a thing ever heard of before among them; the assembly did therefore
exhort him either to employ me like the rest of my species, or command me to
swim back to the place whence I came: that the first of these expedients was
utterly rejected by all the Houyhnhnms who had ever seen me at his house or
their own; for they alleged, that because I had some rudiments of reason, added
to the natural pravity of those animals, it was to be feared I might be able to
seduce them into the woody and mountainous parts of the country, and bring them
in troops by night to destroy the Houyhnhnms' cattle, as being naturally of the
ravenous kind, and averse from labour."

My master added, "that he was daily pressed by the Houyhnhnms of the
neighbourhood to have the assembly's exhortation executed, which he could not
put off much longer. He doubted it would be impossible for me to swim to
another country; and therefore wished I would contrive some sort of vehicle,
resembling those I had described to him, that might carry me on the sea; in
which work I should have the assistance of his own servants, as well as those
of his neighbours." He concluded, "that for his own part, he could have been
content to keep me in his service as long as I lived; because he found I had
cured myself of some bad habits and dispositions, by endeavouring, as far as my
inferior nature was capable, to imitate the Houyhnhnms."

I should here observe to the reader, that a decree of the general assembly in
this country is expressed by the word hnhloayn, which signifies an exhortation,
as near as I can render it; for they have no conception how a rational creature
can be compelled, but only advised, or exhorted; because no person can disobey
reason, without giving up his claim to be a rational creature.

I was struck with the utmost grief and despair at my master's discourse; and
being unable to support the agonies I was under, I fell into a swoon at his
feet. When I came to myself, he told me "that he concluded I had been dead;"
for these people are subject to no such imbecilities of nature. I answered in a
faint voice, "that death would have been too great a happiness; that although I
could not blame the assembly's exhortation, or the urgency of his friends; yet,
in my weak and corrupt judgment, I thought it might consist with reason to have
been less rigorous; that I could not swim a league, and probably the nearest
land to theirs might be distant above a hundred: that many materials, necessary
for making a small vessel to carry me off, were wholly wanting in this country;
which, however, I would attempt, in obedience and gratitude to his honour,
although I concluded the thing to be impossible, and therefore looked on myself
as already devoted to destruction; that the certain prospect of an unnatural
death was the least of my evils; for, supposing I should escape with life by
some strange adventure, how could I think with temper of passing my days among
Yahoos, and relapsing into my old corruptions, for want of examples to lead and
keep me within the paths of virtue? that I knew too well upon what solid
reasons all the determinations of the wise Houyhnhnms were founded, not to be
shaken by arguments of mine, a miserable Yahoo; and therefore, after presenting
him with my humble thanks for the offer of his servants' assistance in making a
vessel, and desiring a reasonable time for so difficult a work, I told him I
would endeavour to preserve a wretched being; and if ever I returned to
England, was not without hopes of being useful to my own species, by
celebrating the praises of the renowned Houyhnhnms, and proposing their virtues
to the imitation of mankind."

My master, in a few words, made me a very gracious reply; allowed me the space
of two months to finish my boat; and ordered the sorrel nag, my fellow-servant
(for so, at this distance, I may presume to call him), to follow my
instruction; because I told my master, "that his help would be sufficient, and
I knew he had a tenderness for me."

In his company, my first business was to go to that part of the coast where my
rebellious crew had ordered me to be set on shore. I got upon a height, and
looking on every side into the sea; fancied I saw a small island toward the
north-east. I took out my pocket glass, and could then clearly distinguish it
above five leagues off, as I computed; but it appeared to the sorrel nag to be
only a blue cloud: for as he had no conception of any country beside his own,
so he could not be as expert in distinguishing remote objects at sea, as we who
so much converse in that element.

After I had discovered this island, I considered no further; but resolved it
should if possible, be the first place of my banishment, leaving the
consequence to fortune.

I returned home, and consulting with the sorrel nag, we went into a copse at
some distance, where I with my knife, and he with a sharp flint, fastened very
artificially after their manner, to a wooden handle, cut down several oak
wattles, about the thickness of a walking-staff, and some larger pieces. But I
shall not trouble the reader with a particular description of my own mechanics;
let it suffice to say, that in six weeks time with the help of the sorrel nag,
who performed the parts that required most labour, I finished a sort of Indian
canoe, but much larger, covering it with the skins of Yahoos, well stitched
together with hempen threads of my own making. My sail was likewise composed of
the skins of the same animal; but I made use of the youngest I could get, the
older being too tough and thick; and I likewise provided myself with four
paddles. I laid in a stock of boiled flesh, of rabbits and fowls, and took with
me two vessels, one filled with milk and the other with water.

I tried my canoe in a large pond, near my master's house, and then corrected in
it what was amiss; stopping all the chinks with Yahoos' tallow, till I found it
staunch, and able to bear me and my freight; and, when it was as complete as I
could possibly make it, I had it drawn on a carriage very gently by Yahoos to
the sea-side, under the conduct of the sorrel nag and another servant.

When all was ready, and the day came for my departure, I took leave of my
master and lady and the whole family, my eyes flowing with tears, and my heart
quite sunk with grief. But his honour, out of curiosity, and, perhaps, (if I
may speak without vanity,) partly out of kindness, was determined to see me in
my canoe, and got several of his neighbouring friends to accompany him. I was
forced to wait above an hour for the tide; and then observing the wind very
fortunately bearing toward the island to which I intended to steer my course, I
took a second leave of my master: but as I was going to prostrate myself to
kiss his hoof, he did me the honour to raise it gently to my mouth. I am not
ignorant how much I have been censured for mentioning this last particular.
Detractors are pleased to think it improbable, that so illustrious a person
should descend to give so great a mark of distinction to a creature so inferior
as I. Neither have I forgotten how apt some travellers are to boast of
extraordinary favours they have received. But, if these censurers were better
acquainted with the noble and courteous disposition of the Houyhnhnms, they
would soon change their opinion.

I paid my respects to the rest of the Houyhnhnms in his honour's company; then
getting into my canoe, I pushed off from shore.

CHAPTER XI.

[The author's dangerous voyage. He arrives at New Holland, hoping to settle
there. Is wounded with an arrow by one of the natives. Is seized and carried by
force into a Portuguese ship. The great civilities of the captain. The author
arrives at England.]

I began this desperate voyage on February 15, 1714-15, at nine o'clock in the
morning. The wind was very favourable; however, I made use at first only of my
paddles; but considering I should soon be weary, and that the wind might chop
about, I ventured to set up my little sail; and thus, with the help of the
tide, I went at the rate of a league and a half an hour, as near as I could
guess. My master and his friends continued on the shore till I was almost out
of sight; and I often heard the sorrel nag (who always loved me) crying out,
"Hnuy illa nyha, majah Yahoo;" "Take care of thyself, gentle Yahoo."

My design was, if possible, to discover some small island uninhabited, yet
sufficient, by my labour, to furnish me with the necessaries of life, which I
would have thought a greater happiness, than to be first minister in the
politest court of Europe; so horrible was the idea I conceived of returning to
live in the society, and under the government of Yahoos. For in such a solitude
as I desired, I could at least enjoy my own thoughts, and reflect with delight
on the virtues of those inimitable Houyhnhnms, without an opportunity of
degenerating into the vices and corruptions of my own species.

The reader may remember what I related, when my crew conspired against me, and
confined me to my cabin; how I continued there several weeks without knowing
what course we took; and when I was put ashore in the long-boat, how the
sailors told me, with oaths, whether true or false, "that they knew not in what
part of the world we were." However, I did then believe us to be about 10
degrees southward of the Cape of Good Hope, or about 45 degrees southern
latitude, as I gathered from some general words I overheard among them, being I
supposed to the south-east in their intended voyage to Madagascar. And although
this were little better than conjecture, yet I resolved to steer my course
eastward, hoping to reach the south-west coast of New Holland, and perhaps some
such island as I desired lying westward of it. The wind was full west, and by
six in the evening I computed I had gone eastward at least eighteen leagues;
when I spied a very small island about half a league off, which I soon reached.
It was nothing but a rock, with one creek naturally arched by the force of
tempests. Here I put in my canoe, and climbing a part of the rock, I could
plainly discover land to the east, extending from south to north. I lay all
night in my canoe; and repeating my voyage early in the morning, I arrived in
seven hours to the south-east point of New Holland. This confirmed me in the
opinion I have long entertained, that the maps and charts place this country at
least three degrees more to the east than it really is; which thought I
communicated many years ago to my worthy friend, Mr. Herman Moll, and gave him
my reasons for it, although he has rather chosen to follow other authors.

I saw no inhabitants in the place where I landed, and being unarmed, I was
afraid of venturing far into the country. I found some shellfish on the shore,
and ate them raw, not daring to kindle a fire, for fear of being discovered by
the natives. I continued three days feeding on oysters and limpets, to save my
own provisions; and I fortunately found a brook of excellent water, which gave
me great relief.

On the fourth day, venturing out early a little too far, I saw twenty or thirty
natives upon a height not above five hundred yards from me. They were stark
naked, men, women, and children, round a fire, as I could discover by the
smoke. One of them spied me, and gave notice to the rest; five of them advanced
toward me, leaving the women and children at the fire. I made what haste I
could to the shore, and, getting into my canoe, shoved off: the savages,
observing me retreat, ran after me: and before I could get far enough into the
sea, discharged an arrow which wounded me deeply on the inside of my left knee:
I shall carry the mark to my grave. I apprehended the arrow might be poisoned,
and paddling out of the reach of their darts (being a calm day), I made a shift
to suck the wound, and dress it as well as I could.

I was at a loss what to do, for I durst not return to the same landing-place,
but stood to the north, and was forced to paddle, for the wind, though very
gentle, was against me, blowing north- west. As I was looking about for a
secure landing-place, I saw a sail to the north-north-east, which appearing
every minute more visible, I was in some doubt whether I should wait for them
or not; but at last my detestation of the Yahoo race prevailed: and turning my
canoe, I sailed and paddled together to the south, and got into the same creek
whence I set out in the morning, choosing rather to trust myself among these
barbarians, than live with European Yahoos. I drew up my canoe as close as I
could to the shore, and hid myself behind a stone by the little brook, which,
as I have already said, was excellent water.

The ship came within half a league of this creek, and sent her long boat with
vessels to take in fresh water (for the place, it seems, was very well known);
but I did not observe it, till the boat was almost on shore; and it was too
late to seek another hiding-place. The seamen at their landing observed my
canoe, and rummaging it all over, easily conjectured that the owner could not
be far off. Four of them, well armed, searched every cranny and lurking-hole,
till at last they found me flat on my face behind the stone. They gazed awhile
in admiration at my strange uncouth dress; my coat made of skins, my
wooden-soled shoes, and my furred stockings; whence, however, they concluded, I
was not a native of the place, who all go naked. One of the seamen, in
Portuguese, bid me rise, and asked who I was. I understood that language very
well, and getting upon my feet, said, "I was a poor Yahoo banished from the
Houyhnhnms, and desired they would please to let me depart." They admired to
hear me answer them in their own tongue, and saw by my complexion I must be a
European; but were at a loss to know what I meant by Yahoos and Houyhnhnms; and
at the same time fell a-laughing at my strange tone in speaking, which
resembled the neighing of a horse. I trembled all the while betwixt fear and
hatred. I again desired leave to depart, and was gently moving to my canoe; but
they laid hold of me, desiring to know, "what country I was of? whence I came?"
with many other questions. I told them "I was born in England, whence I came
about five years ago, and then their country and ours were at peace. I
therefore hoped they would not treat me as an enemy, since I meant them no
harm, but was a poor Yahoo seeking some desolate place where to pass the
remainder of his unfortunate life."

When they began to talk, I thought I never heard or saw any thing more
unnatural; for it appeared to me as monstrous as if a dog or a cow should speak
in England, or a Yahoo in Houyhnhnmland. The honest Portuguese were equally
amazed at my strange dress, and the odd manner of delivering my words, which,
however, they understood very well. They spoke to me with great humanity, and
said, "they were sure the captain would carry me gratis to Lisbon, whence I
might return to my own country; that two of the seamen would go back to the
ship, inform the captain of what they had seen, and receive his orders; in the
mean time, unless I would give my solemn oath not to fly, they would secure me
by force. I thought it best to comply with their proposal. They were very
curious to know my story, but I gave them very little satisfaction, and they
all conjectured that my misfortunes had impaired my reason. In two hours the
boat, which went laden with vessels of water, returned, with the captain's
command to fetch me on board. I fell on my knees to preserve my liberty; but
all was in vain; and the men, having tied me with cords, heaved me into the
boat, whence I was taken into the ship, and thence into the captain's cabin.

His name was Pedro de Mendez; he was a very courteous and generous person. He
entreated me to give some account of myself, and desired to know what I would
eat or drink; said, "I should be used as well as himself;" and spoke so many
obliging things, that I wondered to find such civilities from a Yahoo. However,
I remained silent and sullen; I was ready to faint at the very smell of him and
his men. At last I desired something to eat out of my own canoe; but he ordered
me a chicken, and some excellent wine, and then directed that I should be put
to bed in a very clean cabin. I would not undress myself, but lay on the
bed-clothes, and in half an hour stole out, when I thought the crew was at
dinner, and getting to the side of the ship, was going to leap into the sea,
and swim for my life, rather than continue among Yahoos. But one of the seamen
prevented me, and having informed the captain, I was chained to my cabin.

After dinner, Don Pedro came to me, and desired to know my reason for so
desperate an attempt; assured me, "he only meant to do me all the service he
was able;" and spoke so very movingly, that at last I descended to treat him
like an animal which had some little portion of reason. I gave him a very short
relation of my voyage; of the conspiracy against me by my own men; of the
country where they set me on shore, and of my five years residence there. All
which he looked upon as if it were a dream or a vision; whereat I took great
offence; for I had quite forgot the faculty of lying, so peculiar to Yahoos, in
all countries where they preside, and, consequently, their disposition of
suspecting truth in others of their own species. I asked him, "whether it were
the custom in his country to say the thing which was not?" I assured him, "I
had almost forgot what he meant by falsehood, and if I had lived a thousand
years in Houyhnhnmland, I should never have heard a lie from the meanest
servant; that I was altogether indifferent whether he believed me or not; but,
however, in return for his favours, I would give so much allowance to the
corruption of his nature, as to answer any objection he would please to make,
and then he might easily discover the truth."

The captain, a wise man, after many endeavours to catch me tripping in some
part of my story, at last began to have a better opinion of my veracity. But he
added, "that since I professed so inviolable an attachment to truth, I must
give him my word and honour to bear him company in this voyage, without
attempting any thing against my life; or else he would continue me a prisoner
till we arrived at Lisbon." I gave him the promise he required; but at the same
time protested, "that I would suffer the greatest hardships, rather than return
to live among Yahoos."

Our voyage passed without any considerable accident. In gratitude to the
captain, I sometimes sat with him, at his earnest request, and strove to
conceal my antipathy against human kind, although it often broke out; which he
suffered to pass without observation. But the greatest part of the day I
confined myself to my cabin, to avoid seeing any of the crew. The captain had
often entreated me to strip myself of my savage dress, and offered to lend me
the best suit of clothes he had. This I would not be prevailed on to accept,
abhorring to cover myself with any thing that had been on the back of a Yahoo.
I only desired he would lend me two clean shirts, which, having been washed
since he wore them, I believed would not so much defile me. These I changed
every second day, and washed them myself.

We arrived at Lisbon, Nov. 5, 1715. At our landing, the captain forced me to
cover myself with his cloak, to prevent the rabble from crowding about me. I
was conveyed to his own house; and at my earnest request he led me up to the
highest room backwards. I conjured him "to conceal from all persons what I had
told him of the Houyhnhnms; because the least hint of such a story would not
only draw numbers of people to see me, but probably put me in danger of being
imprisoned, or burnt by the Inquisition." The captain persuaded me to accept a
suit of clothes newly made; but I would not suffer the tailor to take my
measure; however, Don Pedro being almost of my size, they fitted me well
enough. He accoutred me with other necessaries, all new, which I aired for
twenty-four hours before I would use them.

The captain had no wife, nor above three servants, none of which were suffered
to attend at meals; and his whole deportment was so obliging, added to very
good human understanding, that I really began to tolerate his company. He
gained so far upon me, that I ventured to look out of the back window. By
degrees I was brought into another room, whence I peeped into the street, but
drew my head back in a fright. In a week's time he seduced me down to the door.
I found my terror gradually lessened, but my hatred and contempt seemed to
increase. I was at last bold enough to walk the street in his company, but kept
my nose well stopped with rue, or sometimes with tobacco.

In ten days, Don Pedro, to whom I had given some account of my domestic
affairs, put it upon me, as a matter of honour and conscience, "that I ought to
return to my native country, and live at home with my wife and children." He
told me, "there was an English ship in the port just ready to sail, and he
would furnish me with all things necessary." It would be tedious to repeat his
arguments, and my contradictions. He said, "it was altogether impossible to
find such a solitary island as I desired to live in; but I might command in my
own house, and pass my time in a manner as recluse as I pleased."

I complied at last, finding I could not do better. I left Lisbon the 24th day
of November, in an English merchantman, but who was the master I never
inquired. Don Pedro accompanied me to the ship, and lent me twenty pounds. He
took kind leave of me, and embraced me at parting, which I bore as well as I
could. During this last voyage I had no commerce with the master or any of his
men; but, pretending I was sick, kept close in my cabin. On the fifth of
December, 1715, we cast anchor in the Downs, about nine in the morning, and at
three in the afternoon I got safe to my house at Rotherhith.~^

My wife and family received me with great surprise and joy, because they
concluded me certainly dead; but I must freely confess the sight of them filled
me only with hatred, disgust, and contempt; and the more, by reflecting on the
near alliance I had to them. For although, since my unfortunate exile from the
Houyhnhnm country, I had compelled myself to tolerate the sight of Yahoos, and
to converse with Don Pedro de Mendez, yet my memory and imagination were
perpetually filled with the virtues and ideas of those exalted Houyhnhnms. And
when I began to consider that, by copulating with one of the Yahoo species I
had become a parent of more, it struck me with the utmost shame, confusion, and
horror.

As soon as I entered the house, my wife took me in her arms, and kissed me; at
which, having not been used to the touch of that odious animal for so many
years, I fell into a swoon for almost an hour. At the time I am writing, it is
five years since my last return to England. During the first year, I could not
endure my wife or children in my presence; the very smell of them was
intolerable; much less could I suffer them to eat in the same room. To this
hour they dare not presume to touch my bread, or drink out of the same cup,
neither was I ever able to let one of them take me by the hand. The first money
I laid out was to buy two young stone-horses, which I keep in a good stable;
and next to them, the groom is my greatest favourite, for I feel my spirits
revived by the smell he contracts in the stable. My horses understand me
tolerably well; I converse with them at least four hours every day. They are
strangers to bridle or saddle; they live in great amity with me and friendship
to each other.

CHAPTER XII.

[The author's veracity. His design in publishing this work. His censure of
those travellers who swerve from the truth. The author clears himself from any
sinister ends in writing. An objection answered. The method of planting
colonies. His native country commended. The right of the crown to those
countries described by the author is justified. The difficulty of conquering
them. The author takes his last leave of the reader; proposes his manner of
living for the future; gives good advice, and concludes.]

Thus, gentle reader, I have given thee a faithful history of my travels for
sixteen years and above seven months: wherein I have not been so studious of
ornament as of truth. I could, perhaps, like others, have astonished thee with
strange improbable tales; but I rather chose to relate plain matter of fact, in
the simplest manner and style; because my principal design was to inform, and
not to amuse thee.

It is easy for us who travel into remote countries, which are seldom visited by
Englishmen or other Europeans, to form descriptions of wonderful animals both
at sea and land. Whereas a traveller's chief aim should be to make men wiser
and better, and to improve their minds by the bad, as well as good, example of
what they deliver concerning foreign places.

I could heartily wish a law was enacted, that every traveller, before he were
permitted to publish his voyages, should be obliged to make oath before the
Lord High Chancellor, that all he intended to print was absolutely true to the
best of his knowledge; for then the world would no longer be deceived, as it
usually is, while some writers, to make their works pass the better upon the
public, impose the grossest falsities on the unwary reader. I have perused
several books of travels with great delight in my younger days; but having
since gone over most parts of the globe, and been able to contradict many
fabulous accounts from my own observation, it has given me a great disgust
against this part of reading, and some indignation to see the credulity of
mankind so impudently abused. Therefore, since my acquaintance were pleased to
think my poor endeavours might not be unacceptable to my country, I imposed on
myself, as a maxim never to be swerved from, that I would strictly adhere to
truth; neither indeed can I be ever under the least temptation to vary from it,
while I retain in my mind the lectures and example of my noble master and the
other illustrious Houyhnhnms of whom I had so long the honour to be an humble
hearer.

- Nec si miserum Fortuna Sinonem Finxit, vanum etiam, mendacemque improba
finget.

I know very well, how little reputation is to be got by writings which require
neither genius nor learning, nor indeed any other talent, except a good memory,
or an exact journal. I know likewise, that writers of travels, like
dictionary-makers, are sunk into oblivion by the weight and bulk of those who
come last, and therefore lie uppermost. And it is highly probable, that such
travellers, who shall hereafter visit the countries described in this work of
mine, may, by detecting my errors (if there be any), and adding many new
discoveries of their own, justle me out of vogue, and stand in my place, making
the world forget that ever I was an author. This indeed would be too great a
mortification, if I wrote for fame: but as my sole intention was the public
good, I cannot be altogether disappointed. For who can read of the virtues I
have mentioned in the glorious Houyhnhnms, without being ashamed of his own
vices, when he considers himself as the reasoning, governing animal of his
country? I shall say nothing of those remote nations where Yahoos preside;
among which the least corrupted are the Brobdingnagians; whose wise maxims in
morality and government it would be our happiness to observe. But I forbear
descanting further, and rather leave the judicious reader to his own remarks
and application.

I am not a little pleased that this work of mine can possibly meet with no
censurers: for what objections can be made against a writer, who relates only
plain facts, that happened in such distant countries, where we have not the
least interest, with respect either to trade or negotiations? I have carefully
avoided every fault with which common writers of travels are often too justly
charged. Besides, I meddle not the least with any party, but write without
passion, prejudice, or ill-will against any man, or number of men, whatsoever.
I write for the noblest end, to inform and instruct mankind; over whom I may,
without breach of modesty, pretend to some superiority, from the advantages I
received by conversing so long among the most accomplished Houyhnhnms. I write
without any view to profit or praise. I never suffer a word to pass that may
look like reflection, or possibly give the least offence, even to those who are
most ready to take it. So that I hope I may with justice pronounce myself an
author perfectly blameless; against whom the tribes of Answerers, Considerers,
Observers, Reflectors, Detectors, Remarkers, will never be able to find matter
for exercising their talents.

I confess, it was whispered to me, "that I was bound in duty, as a subject of
England, to have given in a memorial to a secretary of state at my first coming
over; because, whatever lands are discovered by a subject belong to the crown."
But I doubt whether our conquests in the countries I treat of would be as easy
as those of Ferdinando Cortez over the naked Americans. The Lilliputians, I
think, are hardly worth the charge of a fleet and army to reduce them; and I
question whether it might be prudent or safe to attempt the Brobdingnagians; or
whether an English army would be much at their ease with the Flying Island over
their heads. The Houyhnhnms indeed appear not to be so well prepared for war, a
science to which they are perfect strangers, and especially against missive
weapons. However, supposing myself to be a minister of state, I could never
give my advice for invading them. Their prudence, unanimity, unacquaintedness
with fear, and their love of their country, would amply supply all defects in
the military art. Imagine twenty thousand of them breaking into the midst of an
European army, confounding the ranks, overturning the carriages, battering the
warriors' faces into mummy by terrible yerks from their hinder hoofs; for they
would well deserve the character given to Augustus, Recalcitrat undique tutus.
But, instead of proposals for conquering that magnanimous nation, I rather wish
they were in a capacity, or disposition, to send a sufficient number of their
inhabitants for civilizing Europe, by teaching us the first principles of
honour, justice, truth, temperance, public spirit, fortitude, chastity,
friendship, benevolence, and fidelity. The names of all which virtues are still
retained among us in most languages, and are to be met with in modern, as well
as ancient authors; which I am able to assert from my own small reading.

But I had another reason, which made me less forward to enlarge his majesty's
dominions by my discoveries. To say the truth, I had conceived a few scruples
with relation to the distributive justice of princes upon those occasions. For
instance, a crew of pirates are driven by a storm they know not whither; at
length a boy discovers land from the topmast; they go on shore to rob and
plunder, they see a harmless people, are entertained with kindness; they give
the country a new name; they take formal possession of it for their king; they
set up a rotten plank, or a stone, for a memorial; they murder two or three
dozen of the natives, bring away a couple more, by force, for a sample; return
home, and get their pardon. Here commences a new dominion acquired with a title
by divine right. Ships are sent with the first opportunity; the natives driven
out or destroyed; their princes tortured to discover their gold; a free license
given to all acts of inhumanity and lust, the earth reeking with the blood of
its inhabitants: and this execrable crew of butchers, employed in so pious an
expedition, is a modern colony, sent to convert and civilize an idolatrous and
barbarous people!

But this description, I confess, does by no means affect the British nation,
who may be an example to the whole world for their wisdom, care, and justice in
planting colonies; their liberal endowments for the advancement of religion and
learning; their choice of devout and able pastors to propagate Christianity;
their caution in stocking their provinces with people of sober lives and
conversations from this the mother kingdom; their strict regard to the
distribution of justice, in supplying the civil administration through all
their colonies with officers of the greatest abilities, utter strangers to
corruption; and, to crown all, by sending the most vigilant and virtuous
governors, who have no other views than the happiness of the people over whom
they preside, and the honour of the king their master.

But as those countries which I have described do not appear to have any desire
of being conquered and enslaved, murdered or driven out by colonies, nor abound
either in gold, silver, sugar, or tobacco, I did humbly conceive, they were by
no means proper objects of our zeal, our valour, or our interest. However, if
those whom it more concerns think fit to be of another opinion, I am ready to
depose, when I shall be lawfully called, that no European did ever visit those
countries before me. I mean, if the inhabitants ought to be believed, unless a
dispute may arise concerning the two Yahoos, said to have been seen many years
ago upon a mountain in Houyhnhnmland.

But, as to the formality of taking possession in my sovereign's name, it never
came once into my thoughts; and if it had, yet, as my affairs then stood, I
should perhaps, in point of prudence and self-preservation, have put it off to
a better opportunity.

Having thus answered the only objection that can ever be raised against me as a
traveller, I here take a final leave of all my courteous readers, and return to
enjoy my own speculations in my little garden at Redriff; to apply those
excellent lessons of virtue which I learned among the Houyhnhnms; to instruct
the Yahoos of my own family, is far as I shall find them docible animals; to
behold my figure often in a glass, and thus, if possible, habituate myself by
time to tolerate the sight of a human creature; to lament the brutality to
Houyhnhnms in my own country, but always treat their persons with respect, for
the sake of my noble master, his family, his friends, and the whole Houyhnhnm
race, whom these of ours have the honour to resemble in all their lineaments,
however their intellectuals came to degenerate.

I began last week to permit my wife to sit at dinner with me, at the farthest
end of a long table; and to answer (but with the utmost brevity) the few
questions I asked her. Yet, the smell of a Yahoo continuing very offensive, I
always keep my nose well stopped with rue, lavender, or tobacco leaves. And,
although it be hard for a man late in life to remove old habits, I am not
altogether out of hopes, in some time, to suffer a neighbour Yahoo in my
company, without the apprehensions I am yet under of his teeth or his claws.

My reconcilement to the Yahoo kind in general might not be so difficult, if
they would be content with those vices and follies only which nature has
entitled them to. I am not in the least provoked at the sight of a lawyer, a
pickpocket, a colonel, a fool, a lord, a gamester, a politician, a whoremonger,
a physician, an evidence, a suborner, an attorney, a traitor, or the like; this
is all according to the due course of things: but when I behold a lump of
deformity and diseases, both in body and mind, smitten with pride, it
immediately breaks all the measures of my patience; neither shall I be ever
able to comprehend how such an animal, and such a vice, could tally together.
The wise and virtuous Houyhnhnms, who abound in all excellences that can adorn
a rational creature, have no name for this vice in their language, which has no
terms to express any thing that is evil, except those whereby they describe the
detestable qualities of their Yahoos, among which they were not able to
distinguish this of pride, for want of thoroughly understanding human nature,
as it shows itself in other countries where that animal presides. But I, who
had more experience, could plainly observe some rudiments of it among the wild
Yahoos.

But the Houyhnhnms, who live under the government of reason, are no more proud
of the good qualities they possess, than I should be for not wanting a leg or
an arm; which no man in his wits would boast of, although he must be miserable
without them. I dwell the longer upon this subject from the desire I have to
make the society of an English Yahoo by any means not insupportable; and
therefore I here entreat those who have any tincture of this absurd vice, that
they will not presume to come in my sight.

^~ A stang is a pole or perch; sixteen feet and a half.

^~ An act of parliament has been since passed by which some breaches of trust
have been made capital.

^~ Britannia.--Sir W. Scott.

^~ London.--Sir W. Scott.

^~ This is the revised text adopted by Dr. Hawksworth (1766). The above
paragraph in the original editions (1726) takes another form, commencing:- "I
told him that should I happen to live in a kingdom where lots were in vogue,"
&c. The names Tribnia and Langdon an not mentioned, and the "close stool" and
its signification do not occur.

^~ This paragraph is not in the original editions.

^~ The original editions and Hawksworth's have Rotherhith here, though earlier
in the work, Redriff is said to have been Gulliver's home in England.